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And blessing on the lovely pair.
Time and Tide had thus their sway,
friend, was accompanied by the following note to Mr. Ballan- nearly the same proportion as it contains more of dramatic intyne :
cident and character. Yet some of the pictures which it pre** Dear JAMES,
sents are highly wrought and vividly colored; for example, " I send you this, out of deference to opinions so strongly the terribly animated narrative, in the fifth canto, of the battle expressed; but still retaining my own, that it spoils one effect within the hall, and the conflagration of the mansion of Rokeby. without producing another.
W. S.' “ Several defects, of more or less importance, we noticed, oro 1 "Mr. Scott has now confined himself within much narrow- imagined that we noticed, as we read. It appears like preer limits, and, by descending to the sober annals of the seven- sumption to accuse Mr. Scott of any failure in respect to costeenth century, has renounced nearly all those ornaments of tume-of the manners and character of the times which he Gothic pageantry, which, in consequence of the taste with describes--yet the impression produced on our minds by the which he displayed them, had been tolerated, and even ad- perusal, has certainly been, that we are thrown back in imagmired, by modern readers. He has subjected his style to a ination to a period considerably antecedent to that which he severer code of criticism. The language of the poet is often intends to celebrate. The other faults, we remarked, consist unconsciously referred to the date of the incidents which he re- principally in the too frequent recurrence of those which we lates ; so that what is careless or idiomatic escapes censure, as have so often noticed on former occasions, and which are so a supposed anomaly of antique diction: and it is, perhaps, incorporated with the poet's style, that it is now become as partly owing to this impression, that the phraseology of Mar- useless as it is painful, to repeat the censures which they have mion,' and of the Lady of the Lake,' has appeared to ns to occasioned. be no less faulty than that of the present poem.
“We have been informed that "Rokeby' has hitherto circo“ But, be this as it may, we confidently persist in thinking, lated less rapidly than has usually been the case with Mr. that in this last experiment, Mr. Scott's popularity will be still Scott's works. If the fact be so, we are inclined to attribute farther confirmed; because we have found by experience, it solely to accidental circumstances; being persuaded that the that, although during the first hasty inspection of the poem, defects of the poem are only common to it with all the producundertaken for the gratification of our curiosity, some blemish- tions of its author ; that they are even less numerous than in es intruded themselves upon our notice, the merits of the story, most; and that its beauties, though of a different stamp, are and the minute shades of character displayed in the conduct of more profusely scattered, and, upon the whole, of a higher or it, have been sufficient, during many succeeding perasals, to der."'--Critical Review. awaken our feelings, and to reanimate and sustain our attention.
" The original fiction from which the poem is derived, ap-
Cranstoun of The Lay, to the Wilton of Marmion, or to the
but a sketch compared to Bertram. Here is Mr. Scott's true ** This production of Mr. Scott altogether abounds in imagery and favorite hero. He has no * sneaking kindness' for these and description less than either of its precursors, in pretty barbarians ;-he boldly adopts and patronizes them. Deloraine
(it has humorously been observed) would have been exactly what Marmion was, could he have read and written; Bertram is a happy mixture of both ;--as great a villain, if possible, as Marmion; and, if possible, as great a scamp as Deloraine. His character is completed by a dash of the fierceness of Roderick Dha. We do not here enter into the question as to the good taste of an author who employs his utmost strength of description on a compound of bad qualities; but we must observe, in the way of protest for the present, that something mast be wrong where poetical effect and moral approbation are so much at variance. We leave untouched the general argument, whether it makes any difference for poetical purposes, that a hero's vices or his virtues should preponderate. Powerful indeed must be the genius of the poet who, out of such materials as those above mentioned, can form an interesting whole. This, however, is the fact; and Bertram at times 90 overcomes hatred with admiration, that he (or rather his painter) is almost pardonable for his energy alone. There is a charm about this spring of mind which bears down all opposition, and throws a brilliant veil of light over the most hideous deformity.' This is the fascination-this is the variety and rigor by wbich Mr. Scott recommends barbarous heroes, undignified occurrences, and, occasionally, the most incorrect language, and the most imperfect versification“Catch but his fire And you forgive him all.'”
" That Rokeby, as a whole, is equally interesting with Mr. Scott's former works, we are by no means prepared to assert. But if there be, comparatively, a dimination of interest, it is evidently owing to no other cause than the time or place of its action--the sobriety of the period, and the abated wildness of the scenery. With us, the wonder is, that a period so late as thai of Charles the First, could have been managed so derterously, and have been made so happily subservient to poetic invention.
* In the mean time, we have no hesitation in declaring our opinion, that the tale of Rokeby is much better told than those of The Lay,' or of Marmion.' Its characters are introduced with more ease ; its incidents are more natural ; one event is more necessarily generated by another ; the reader's mind is kept more in suspense with respect to the termination of the story; and the moral reflections interspersed are of a deeper
Of the versification, also, we can justly pronounce, that it is more polished than in "Marmion,' or • The Lay;' and though we have marked some careless lines, yet even in the instance of bold disorder,' Rokeby can furnish little room for animadversion. In fine, if we must compare him with himself, we judge Mr. Scott bas given us a poem in Rokeby, superior to · Marmion,' or · The Lay,' but not equal, perhaps, to • The Lady of the Lake.?"--British Critic.
matters of after-thought; but as to Rokeby there can be no mistake. His own original conceptions of some of its principal characters have been explained in letters already cited ; and I believe no one who compares the poem with his novels will doubt that, had he undertaken their portraiture in prose, they would have come forth with effect hardly inferior to any of all the groups be ever created. As it is, I question whether, even in his prose, there is any thing more exquisitely wrought out, as well as fancied, than the whole contrast of the two rivals for the love of the heroine in Rokeby; and that heroine herself, too, has a very particular interest attached to her. Writing to Miss Edgeworth five years after this time (10th March, 1818), he says, “I have not read one of my poems since they were printed, excepting last year the Lady of the Lake, which I liked better than I expected, but not well enough to induce me to go through the rest; so I may truly say with Macbeth
I am afraid to think of what I've done
Look on't again I dare not.' “This much of Matilda I recollect (for that is not so easily forgotten), that she was attempted for the existing person of a lady who is now no more, so that I am particularly flattered with your distinguishing it from the others, which are in general mere shadows.' I can have no doubt that the lady he here alludes to was the object of his own unfortunate first love; and as little, that in the romantic generosity both of the youthful poet who fails to win her higher favor, and of his chivalrous competitor, we have before is something more than a mere shadow.
"In spite of these graceful characters, the inimitable scenery on which they are presented, and the splendid vivacity and thrilling interest of several chapters in the story--such as the opening interview of Bertram and Wycliffe-the flight up the cliff on the Greta-the first entrance of the cave at Brignallthe firing of Rokeby Castle—and the catastrophe in Egliston Abbey; in spite certainly of exquisitely happy lines profusely scattered throughout the whole composition, and of some detached images that of the setting of the tropical sun, for example-which were never surpassed by any poet ; in spite of all these merits, the immediate success of Rokeby was greatly inferior to that of the Lady of the Lake; nor has it ever since been so much a favorite with the public at large as any other of his poetical romances. He ascribes this failure, in his intro:luction of 1830, partly to the radically unpoetical character of the Roundheads; but surely their character has its poetical side also, had his prejudices allowed him to enter upon its study with impartial sympathy; and I doubt not Mr. Morritt suggested the difficulty on this score, when the outline of the story was as yet undetermined, from the consideration rather of the poet's peculiar feelings, and powers as hitherto exhibited, than of the subject absolutely. Partly he blames the satiety of the public ear, which had had so much of his rhythm, not only from himself, but from dozens of mocking birds, male and female, all more or less applauded in their day, and now all equally forgotten. This circumstances too, had probably no slender effect; the more that, in defiance of all the hints of his friends, he now, in his narrative, repeated (with more negligence) the uniform octo-syllabic couplets of the Lady of the Lake, instead of recurring to the more varied cadence of the Lay or Marmion. It is fair to add that, among the London circles at least, some sarcastic flings in Mr. Moore's . Twopenny Post Bag' must have had an unfavorable influence on this occasion. But the cause of failure which the poet himself places last, was unquestionably the main one. The deeper and darker passion of Childe Harold, the audacity of its morbid voluptuousness, and the melancholy majesty of the numbers in which it defied the world, had taken the general imagination by storm ; and Rokeby, with many beauties, and some sublimities, was pitched, as a whole, on a key which seemed tame in the comparison."-LOCKHART, Life of Scott, vol. iv. pp. 53–58.
** It will surprise no one to hear that Mr. Morritt assured his friend he considered Rokeby as the best of all his poems. The admirable, perhaps the unique fidelity of the local descriptions, might alone have swayed, for I will not say it
per verted the judgment of the lord of that beautiful and thenceforth classical domain ; and, indeed, I must admit that I never anderstood or appreciated half the charm of this poem until I bad become familiar with its scenery. But Scott himself had not designed to rest his strength on these descriptions. He said to James Ballantyne, while the work was in progress (September 2), • I hope the thing will do, chiefly because the world will not expect from me a poem of which the interest turns upon character ;' and in another letter (October 28, 1812), I think you will see the same sort of difference taken in all my former poems, of which I would say, if it is fair for me to say any thing, that the force in the Lay is thrown on style-in Marmion on description, and in the Lady of the Lake, on incident.' I suspect some of these distinctions may have been
to the crown, and was sold or leased out to Car, Earl of Somer
set, the guilty and unhappy favorite of James I. It was On Barnard's towers, and Tees's stream, &c.-P. 296. afterwards granted to Sir Henry Vane the elder, and was there
“Barnard Castle,” saith old Leland, "standeth stately fore, in all probability, occupied for the Parliament, whose upon Tees.” It is founded upon a very high bank, and its interest during the Civil War was so keenly espoused by the ruins impend over the river, including within the area a cir- Vanes. It is now, with the other estates of that family, the cuit of six acres and upwards. This once magnificent fortress property of the Right Honorable Earl of Darlington. derives its name from its founder, Barnard Baliol, the ancestor of the short and unfortunate dynasty of that name, which succeeded to the Scottish throne under the patronage of Edward I. and Edward III. Baliol's Tower, afterwards mentioned in
NOTE B. the poem, is a round tower of great size, situated at the western extremity of the building. It bears marks of great anti
no human ear, quity, and was remarkable for the curious construction of its
Unsharpen'd by revenge and fear, vaulted roof, which has been lately greatly injured by the
Could e'er distinguish horse's clark.-P. 297. operations of some persons, to whom the tower has been leased for the purpose of making patent shot! The prospect from I have had occasion to remark, in real life, the effect of the top of Baliol's Tower commands a rich and magnificent keen and fervent anxiety in giving acuteness to the organs of view of the wooded valley of the Tees.
sense. My gifted friend, Miss Joanna Baillie, whose dramaBarnard Castle often changed masters during the middle tic works display such intimate acquaintance with the operaages. Upon the forfeiture of the unfortunate John Baliol, the tions of human passion, has not omitted this remarkable cir first king of Scotland of that family, Edward I. seized this cumstance :fortress among the other English estates of his refractory vassal. It was afterwards vested in the Beauchamps of War- “De Montfort. (Of his guard.) 'Tis Rezenvelt: I heard wiek, and in the Staffords of Buckingham, and was also his well-known foot, sometimes in the possession of the Bishops of Durham, and From the first staircase mounting step by step. sometimes in that of the crown. Richard III, is said to have Freb. How quick an ear thou hast for distant sound ! enlarged and strengthened its fortifications, and to have made I heard him not. it for some time his principal residence, for the purpose of (De Montford looks embarrassed, and is silent.") bridling and suppressing the Lancastrian faction in the northern counties. From the Staffords, Barnard Castle passed, probably by marriage, into the possession of the powerful Nevilles, Earls of Westmoreland, and belonged to the last
NOTE C. representative of that family, when he engaged with the Earl of Northumberland in the ill-concerted insurrection of the
The morion's plumes his visage hide, twelfth of Queen Elizabeth. Upon this occasion, however,
And the buff-coat, in ample fold, Sir George Bowes of Sheatlam, who held great possessions in
Mantles his form's gigantic mould.-P. 298. the neighborhood, anticipated the two insurgent earls, by seizing upon and garrisoning Barnard Castle, which he held The use of complete suits of armor was fallen into disuse out for ten days against all their forces, and then surrendered during the Civil War, though they were still worn by leaders it upon bonorable terms. See Sadler's State Papers, vol. ii. of rank and importance. "In the reign of King James I.," p. 330. In a ballad, contained in Percy's Reliques of Ancient says our military antiquary, " no great alterations were made Poetry, vol. i., the siege is thus commemorated :
in the article of defensive armor, except that the buff-coat,
or jerkin, which was originally worn under the cuirass, now “Then Sir George Bowes he straight way rose became frequently a substitute for it, it having been found After them some spoyle to make;
that a good buff leather would of itself resist the stroke of a These noble erles turned back againe,
sword ; this, however, only occasionally took place among the And aye they vowed that knight to take.
light-armed cavalry and infantry, complete suits of armor
being still used among the heavy horse. Buff-coats continued “ That baron he to his castle fled ;
to be worn by the city trained-bands till within the memory To Barnard Castle then fled he;
of persons now living, so that defensive armor may, in some The uttermost walles were eathe to won,
measure, be said to have terminated in the same materials The erles have won them presentlie.
with which it began, that is, the skins of animals, or lea
ther."-Grose's Military Antiquities. Lond. 1801, 4to. "The uttermost walles were lime and brick;
vol. ii, p. 323. But though they won them soon anone,
of the buff-coats, which were worn over the corslets, seveLong ere they wan the innermost walles,
ral are yet preserved; and Captain Grose has given an engraFor they were cut in rock and stone."
ving of one which was used in the time of Charles I. by Sir
Francis Rhodes, Bart. of Balbrough-Hall, Derbyshire. They By the suppression of this rebellion, and the consequent for- were usually lined with silk or linen, secured before by botfeiture of the Earl of Westmoreland Barnard Castle reverted tons, or by a lace, and often richly decorated with gold or
silver embroidery. From the following curious account of a had never been forgotten ; and, from that period downward, dispute respecting a buff-coat between an old roundhead cap- the exploits of Drake and Raleigh were imitated, upon a tain and a justice of the peace, by whom his arms were seized smaller scale indeed, but with equally desperate valor, by after the Restoration, we learn, that the value and importance small bands of pirates, gathered from all nations, but chiefly of this defensive garment were considerable :-“A party of French and English. The engrossing policy of the Spaniards horse came to my house, commanded by Mr. Peebles; and he tended greatly to increase the number of these freebooters, cold me he was come for my arms, and that I must deliver from whom their commerce and colonies suffered, in the issu., them. I asked him for his order. He told me he had a better dreadful calamity. The Windward Islands, which the Spanorder than Oliver used to give; and, clapping his hand upon iards did not deem worthy their own occupation, had been his sword-hilt, he said, that was his order. I told him, if he gradually settled by adventurers of the French and English had none but that, it was not sufficient to take my arms ; nations. But Frederic of Toledo, who was despatched in and then he pulled out his warrant, and I read it. It was 1630, with a powerful fleet, against the Dutch, had orders from signed by Wentworth Armitage, a general warrant to search the Court of Madrid to destroy these colonies, whose vicinity all persons they suspected, and so left the power to the soldiers at once offended the pride and excited the jealous suspicions at their pleasure, They came to us at Coalley-Hall, about of their Spanish neighbors. This order the Spanish Admiral sunsetting ; and I caused a candle to be lighted, and conveyed executed with sufficient rigor; but the only consequence Peebles into the room where my arms were. My arms were was, that the planters, being rendered desperate by persecunear the kitchen fire ; and there they took away fowling- tion, began, under the well-known name of Bucaniers, to compieces, pistols, muskets, carbines, and such like, better than mence a retaliation so horridly savage, that the perusal makes £20. Then Mr. Peebles asked me for my buff-coat; and I the reader shudder. When they carried on their depredations told him they had no order to take away my apparel. He at sea, they boarded, without respect to disparity of number, told me I was not to dispute their orders ; but if I would not every Spanish vessel that came in their way; and, demeaning deliver it, he would carry me away prisoner, and had me out themselves, both in the battle and after the conquest, more of door. Yet he let me alone unto the next morning, that I like demons than human beings, they succeeded in impressmust wait upon Sir John, at Halifax; and, coming before ing their enemies with a sort of superstitious terror, which him, he threatened me, and said, if I did not send the coat, rendered them incapable of offering effectual resistance. From for it was too good for me to keep. I told him it was not in piracy at sea, they advanced to making predatory descents his power to demand my apparel; and he, growing into a fit, on the Spanish territories ; in which they displayed the same called me rebel and traitor, and said, if I did not send the coat furious and irresistible valor, the same thirst of spoil, and with all speed, he would send me where I did not like well. the same brutal inhumanity to their captives. The large I told him I was no rebel, and he did not well to call me so treasures which they acquired in their adventures, they dissibefore these soldiers and gentlemen, to make me the mark pated by the most unbounded licentiousness in gaming, wofor every one to shoot at. I departed the room ; yet, notwith- men, wine, and debauchery of every species. When their standing all the threatenings, did not send the coat. But the spoils were thus wasted, they entered into some new associanext day he sent John Lyster, the son of Mr. Thomas Lyster, tion, and undertook new adventures. For farther particulars of Shipden Hall, for this coat, with a letter, verbatim thus :- concerning these extraordinary banditti, the reader may consult • Mr. Hodson, I admire you will play the child so with me as Raynal, or the common and popular book called the History you have done, in writing such an inconsiderate letter. Let of the Bucaniers. me have the buff-coat sent forth with, otherwise you shall so hear from me as will not very well please you.' I was not at home when this messenger came; but I had ordered my wife not to deliver it, but, if they would take it, let them look to it: and he took it away; and one of Sir John's brethren wore
NOTE E. it many years after. They sent Captain Butt to compound with my wife about it; but I sent word I would have my own
On Marston heath again : but he advised me to take a price for it, and make no
Met, front to front, the ranks of death.-P. 299. more ado. I said it was hard to take my arms and apparel too; I had laid out a great deal of money for them ; I hoped The well-known and desperate battle of Long-Marstor. Moor, they did not mean to destroy me, by taking my goods illegally which terminated so unfortunately for the cause of Charles, from me. He said he would make up the matter, if I pleased, commenced under very different auspices.
Prince Rupert betwixt us; and, it seems, had brought Sir John to a price had marched with an army of 20,000 men for the relief of for my coat. I would not have taken £10 for it; he would York, then besieged by Sir Thomas Fairfax, at the head of have given abou' £4; but, wanting my receipt for the money, the Parliamentary army, and the Earl of Leven, with the he kept both sides, and I had never satisfaction." -Memoirs Scottish auxiliary forces. In this be so completely succeeded, of Captain Hodgson. Edin. 1806, p. 178.
that he compelled the besiegers to retreat to Marston Moor, a large open plain, about eight miles distant from the city. Thither they were followed by the Prince, who had now united to his army the garrison of York, probably not less than
ten thousand men strong, under the gallant Marquis (then NOTE D.
Earl) of Newcastle. Whitelocke has recorded, with much
impartiality, the following particulars of this eventful day :On his dark face a scorching clime,
“The right wing of the Parliament was commanded by Sir And toil, had done the work of time.
Thomas Fairfax, and consisted of all his horse, and three
regiments of the Scots horse ; the left wing was commanded Death had he scen by sudden blow,
by the Earl of Manchester and Colonel Cromwell. One body . By wasting plague, by tortures slow.-P. 298.
of their foot was commanded by Lord Fairfax, and consisted
of his foot, and two brigades of the Scots foot for reserve; and In this character, I have attempted to sketch one of those the main body of the rest of the foot was commanded by West Indian adventurers, who, during the course of the seven- General Leven. teenth centary, were popularly known by the name of Buca- “The right wing of the Prince's army was commanded by niers. The successes of the English in the predatory incur- the Earl of Newcastle ; the left wing by the Prince himself; sions upon Spanish America, during the reign of Elizabeth, and the main body by General Goring, Sir Charles Lucas, and
Major-General Porter. Thus were both sides drawn up into our commendatione, how justly I shall not dispate, seing the battalia.
truth is, as our principall generall fled that night neer fourtie “ July 3d, 1644. In this posture both armies faced each mylles from the place of the fight, that part of the armie where other, and about seven o'clock in the morning the fight began he commanded being totallie routed ; but it is as true, that much between them. The Prince, with his left wing, fell on the Par- of the victorie is attributed to the good conduct of David Las liament's right wing, routed them, and pursued them a great selie, lievetennent-generall of our horse. Cromwell himself, way; the like did General Goring, Lucas, and Porter, upon that minione of fortune, but the rod of God's wrath, to punish the Parliament's main body. The three generals, giving all for eftirward three rebellious nations, disdained not to take orders Jost, hasted out of the field, and many of their soldiers fled, and from him, albeit then in the same qualitie of command for the threw down their arms; the King's forces too eagerly follow- Parliament, as being lievetennent-general to the Earl of Mar ing them, the victory, now almost achieved by them, was again chester's horse, whom, with the assistance of the Scots hors, snatched out of their hands. For Colonel Cromwell, with the haveing routed the Prince's right wing, as he had done that of brave regiment of his countrymen, and Sir Thomas Fairfax,
the Parliament's. These two commanders of the horse upoa having rallied some of his horse, fell upon the Prince's right that wing wisely restrained the great bodies of their home from wing, where the Earl of Newcastle was, and routed them ; persuing these brocken troups, but, wheelling to the left-band, and the rest of their companions rallying, they fell altogether
falls in upon the naked flanks of the Prince's main battallion of upon the divided bodies of Rupert and Goring, and totally dis- foot, carying them doune with great violence; nether met: persed them, and obtained a complete victory, after three hours' they with any great resistance untill they came to the Marques fight.
of Newcastle his battallione of White Coats, who, first pepper ** From this battle and the pursuit, some reckon were buried
ing them soundly with ther shott, when they came to charge, 7000 Englishmen; all agree that above 3000 of the Prince's stoutly bore them up with their picks that they could not enter men were slain in the battle, besides those in the chase, and to break them. Here the Parliament's borse of that wing re3000 prisoners taken, many of their chief officers, twenty-five ceaved ther greatest losse, and a stop for sometyme putt to ther pieces of ordnance, forty-seven colors, 10,000 arms, two wag- hoped-for victorie ; and that only by the stout resistance of this ons of carabins and pistols, 130 barrels of powder, and all their gallant battallione, which consisted neer of four thousand foot, bag and baggage."—WhiteLoCKE's Memoirs, fol. until at length a Scots regiment of dragouns, commanded by Lond. 1682.
Collonell Frizeall, with other two, was brought to open them Lord Clarendon informs us, that the King, previous to re- upon some hand, which at length they did, when all the amceiving the true account of the battle, had been informed, by munitione was spent. Having refused quarters, every man fell an express from Oxford, “ that Prince Rupert had not only re- in the same order and ranke wherein he had foughten. lieved York, but totally defeated the Scots, with many partic- “Be this execution was done, the Prince returned from the ulars to confirm it, all which was so much believed there, that persuite of the right wing of the Parliament's horse, which he they made public fires of joy for the victory."
had beatten and followed too farre, to the losse of the battell, which certanely, in all men's opinions, he might have carged if he had not been too violent upon the pursuite; which gave his enemies upon the left-hand opportunitie to disperse and cut
doune his infantrie, who, haveing cleared the field of all the NOTE F.
standing bodies of foot, wer now, with many
of their oune, standing ready to receave the charge of his allMonckton and Mitton told the news, How troops of Roundheads choked the Ouse,
most spent horses, if he should attempt it; which the Prince
observeing, and seeing all lost, he retreated to Yorke with two And many a bonny Scot, aghast,
thousand horse. Notwithstanding of this, ther was that night Spurring his palfrey northward, past,
such a consternatione in the Parliament armies, that it's beCursing the day when zeal or meed
lieyed by most of those that wer there present, that if the Prince, First lured their Lesley o'er the Tweed.-P. 302.
haveing so great a body of horse inteire, had made ane onfall Monckton and, Mitton are villages near the river Ouse, and that night, or the ensueing morning be-tyme, he had carryed not very distant from the field of battle. The particulars of the victorie out of ther hands; for it's certane, by the mornthe action were violently disputed at the time; but the follow-ing's light, he had rallyed a body of ten thousand men, wherof ing extract, from the Manuscript History of the Baronial House ther was neer three thousand gallant horse. These, with the of Somerville, is decisive as to the flight of the Scottish gen- assistance of the toune and garrisoune of Yorke, might have eral, the Earl of Leven. The particulars are given by the au- done much to have recovered the victory, for the loss of this thor of the history on the authority of his father, then the rep- battell in effect lost the King and his interest in the three kingresentative of the family. This curious manuscript has been domes; his Majestie never being able eftir this to make head published by consent of my noble friend, the present Lord Som- in the north, but lost his garrisons every day. erville.
"As for Generall Lesselie, in the beginning of this flight "The order of this great battell, wherin both armies was haveing that part of the army quite brocken, whare he had neer of ane equall number, consisting, to the best calculatione, placed himself, by the valour of the Prince, he imagined, and neer to three score thousand men upon both sydes, I shall not was confermed by the opinione of others then upon the place take upon me to discryve; albeit, from the draughts then taken with him, that the battell was irrecoverably lost, seeing they upon the place, and information I receaved from this gentle- wer fleeing upon all hands; theirfore they humblie intreated man, who being then a volunteer, as having no command, had his excellence to reteir and wait his better fortone, which, opportunitie and libertie to ryde from the one wing of the armie without farder advyseing, he did ; and never drew bridle untill to the other, to view all ther several squadrons of horse and he came the lenth of Leads, having ridden all that night with battallions of foot, how formed, and in what manner drawn a cloak of drap de berrie about him, belonging to this gentleup, with every other circumstance relating to the fight, and man of whom I write, then in his retinue, with many other that both as to the King's armies and that of the Parliament's, officers of good qualitie. It was neer twelve the next day beamongst whom, untill the engadgment, he went from statione for they had the certanety who was master of the field, when to statione to observe ther order and forme; but that the de- at length ther arry ves ane expresse, sent by David Lesselie, to scriptione of this battell, with the various success on both sides acquaint the General they had obtained a most glorious vio at the beginning, with the loss of the royal armie, and the sad tory, and that the Prince, with his brocken troupes, was fled effects that followed that misfortune as to his Majestie's inter- from Yorke. This intelligence was somewhat amazeing to est, hes been so often done already by English authors, little to these gentlemen that had been eye-witnesses to the disorder of