in his works, and in those of his scholars and successors. The motion of bodies falling freely was, however, in such treatises, generally combined with the motion of bodies Falling along Inclined Planes; a part of the theory of which we have still to speak.

The Notion of Accelerating Force and of its operation, once formed, was naturally applied in other cases than that of bodies falling freely. The different velocities with which heavy and light bodies fall were explained by the different resistance of the air, which diminishes the accelerating force; and it was boldly asserted, that in a vacuum a lock of wool and a piece of lead would fall equally quickly. It was also maintained that any falling body, however large and heavy, would always have its velocity in some degree diminished by the air in which it falls, and would at last be reduced to a state of uniform motion, as soon as the resistance upwards became equal to the accelerating force downwards. Though the law of progress of a body to this limiting velocity was not made out till the Principia of Newton appeared, the views on which Galileo made this assertion are perfectly sound, and show that he had clearly conceived the nature and operation of accelerating and retarding force.

When Uniform Accelerating Forces had once been mastered, there remained only mathematical difficulties in the treatment of Variable Forces. A Variable Force was measured by the Limit of the increment of the Velocity, compared with the increment of the Time; just as a Variable Velocity was measured by the Limit of the increment of the Space compared with that of the Time.

With this introduction of the Notion of Limits, we are, of course, led to the Higher Geometry, either in its geometrical or its analytical form. The general laws of bodies falling by the action of any Variable Forces were given by Newton in the Seventh Section of the Principia. The subject is there, according to Newton's preference of geometrical methods, treated by means of the Quadrature of Curves; the Doctrine of Limits being exhibited in a peculiar manner in the First Section of the work, in order to prepare the way for such applications of it. Leibnitz, the Bernouillis, Euler, and since their time, many other mathematicians, have treated such questions by means of the analytical method of limits, the Differential Calculus. The Rectilinear Motion of bodies acted upon by variable forces is, of course, a simpler problem than their Curvilinear Motion, to which we have now to proceed. But it

may be remarked that Newton, having established the laws of Curvilinear Motion independently, has, in a great part of his Seventh Section, deduced the simpler case of the Rectilinear Motion from the more complex problem, by reasonings of great ingenuity and beauty.

Sect. 3.-Establishment of the Second Law of Motion.-Curvilinear Motions.

A SLIGHT degree of distinctness in men's mechanical notions enabled them to perceive, as we have already explained, that a body which traces a curved line must be urged by some force, by which it is constantly made to deviate from that rectilinear path, which it would pursue if acted upon by no force. Thus, when a body is made to describe a circle, as when a stone is whirled round in a sling, we find that the string does exert such a force on the stone; for the string is stretched by the effort, and if it be too slender, it may thus be broken. This centrifugal force of bodies moving in circles was noticed even by the ancients. The effect of force to produce curvilinear motion also appears in the paths described by projectiles. We have already seen that though Tartalea did not perceive this correctly, Rivius, about the same time, did.

To see that a transverse force would produce a curve, was one step; to determine what the curve is, was another step, which involved the discovery of the Second Law of Motion. This step was made by Galileo. In his Dialogues on Motion, he asserts that a body projected horizontally will retain a uniform motion in the horizontal direction, and will have, compounded with this, a uniformly accelerated motion downwards, that is, the motion of a body falling vertically from rest; and will thus describe the curve called a parabola.

The Second Law of Motion consists of this assertion in a general form;-namely, that in all cases the motion which the force will produce is compounded with the motion which the body previously has. This was not obvious; for Cardan had maintained," that "if a body is moved by two motions at once, it will come to the place resulting from their composition slower than by either of them." The proof of the truth of the law to Galileo's mind was, so far as we collect from the Dialogue itself, the simplicity of the supposition, and his clear perception of the causes which, in some cases, produced an obvious deviation in practice

11 Op. vol. iv. p. 490.

from this theoretical result. For it may be observed, that the curvilinear paths ascribed to military projectiles by Rivius and Tartalea, and by other writers who followed them, as Digges and Norton in our own country, though utterly different from the theoretical form, the parabola, do, in fact, approach nearer the true paths of a cannon or musket ball than a parabola would do; and this approximation more especially exists in that which at first sight appears most absurd in the old theory; namely, the assertion that the ball, which ascends in a sloping direction, finally descends vertically. In consequence of the resistance of the air, this is really the path of a projectile; and when the velocity is very great, as in military projectiles, the deviation from the parabolic form is very manifest. This cause of discrepancy between the theory, which does not take resistance into the account, and the fact, Galileo perceived; and accordingly he says, that the velocities of the projectiles, in such cases, may be considered as excessive and supernatural. With the due allowance to such causes, he maintained that his theory was verified, and might be applied in practice. Such practical applications of the doctrine of projectiles no doubt had a share in establishing the truth of Galileo's views. We must not forget, however, that the full establishment of this second law of motion was the result of the theoretical and experimental discussions concerning the motion of the earth its fortunes were involved in those of the Copernican system; and it shared the triumph of that doctrine. This triumph was already decisive, indeed, in the time of Galileo, but not complete till the time of Newton.

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Sect. 4.-Generalization of the Laws of Equilibrium.-Principle of Virtual Velocities.

Ir was known, even as early as Aristotle, that the two weights which balance each other on the lever, if they move at all, move with velocities which are in the inverse proportions of the weights. The peculiar resources of the Greek language, which could state this relation of inverse proportionality in a single word (avτITÉπоv0εv), fixed it in men's minds, and prompted them to generalize from this property. Such attempts were at first made with indistinct ideas, and on conjecture only, and had, therefore, no scientific value. This is the judgment which we must pass on the book of Jordanus Nemorarius, which

12 Op. vol. iii. p. 147.

we have already mentioned. Its reasonings are professedly on Aristotelian principles, and exhibit the common Aristotelian absence of all distinct mechanical ideas. But in Varro, whose Tractatus de Motu appeared in 1584, we find the principle, in a general form, not satisfactorily proved, indeed, but much more distinctly conceived. This is his first theorem: "Duarum virium connexarum quarum (si moveantur) motus erunt ipsis dντITÉлоvОaç proportionales, neutra alteram movebit, sed equilibrium facient." The proof offered of this is, that the resistance to a force is as the motion produced; and, as we have seen, the theorem is rightly applied in the example of the wedge. From this time it appears to have been usual to prove the properties of machines by means of this principle. This is done, for instance, in Les Raisons des Forces Mouvantes, the production of Solomon de Caus, engineer to the Elector Palatine, published at Antwerp in 1616; in which the effect of Toothed-Wheels and of the Screw is determined in this manner, but the Inclined Plane is not treated of. The same is the case in Bishop Wilkins's Mathematical Magic, in 1648.

When the true doctrine of the Inclined Plane had been established, the laws of equilibrium for all the simple machines or Mechanical Powers, as they had usually been enumerated in books on Mechanics, were brought into view; for it was easy to see that the Wedge and the Screw involved the same principle as the Inclined Plane, and the Pulley could obviously be reduced to the Lever. It was, also, not difficult for a person with clear mechanical ideas to perceive how any other combination of bodies, on which pressure and traction are exerted, may be reduced to these simple machines, so as to disclose the relation of the forces. Hence by the discovery of Stevinus, all problems of equilibrium were essentially solved.

The conjectural generalization of the property of the lever, which we have just mentioned, enabled mathematicians to express the solution of all these problems by means of one proposition. This was done by saying, that in raising a weight by any machine, we lose in Time what we gain in Force; the weight raised moves as much slower than the power, as it is larger than the power. This was explained with great clearness by Galileo, in the preface to his Treatise on Mechanical Science, published in 1592.

The motions, however, which we here suppose the parts of the machine to have, are not motions which the forces produce; for at present we are dealing with the case in which the forces balance each other, and therefore produce no motion. But we ascribe to the

Weights and Powers hypothetical motions, arising from some other cause; and then, by the construction of the machine, the velocities of the Weights and Powers must have certain definite ratios. These velocities, being thus hypothetically supposed and not actually produced, are called Virtual Velocities. And the general law of equilibrium is, that in any machine, the Weights which balance each other, are reciprocally to each other as their Virtual Velocities. This is called the Principle of Virtual Velocities.

This Principle (which was afterwards still further generalized) is, by some of the admirers of Galileo, dwelt upon as one of his great services to Mechanics. But if we examine it more nearly, we shall see that it has not much importance in our history. It is a generalization, but a generalization established rather by enumeration of cases, than by any induction proceeding upon one distinct Idea, like those generalizations of Facts by which Laws are primarily established. It rather serves verbally to conjoin Laws previously known, than to exhibit a connection in them: it is rather a help for the memory than a proof for the

reason.

The Principle of Virtual Velocities is so far from implying any clear possession of mechanical ideas, that any one who knows the property of the Lever, whether he is capable of seeing the reason for it or not, can see that the greater weight moves slower in the exact proportion of its greater magnitude. Accordingly, Aristotle, whose entire want of sound mechanical views we have shown, has yet noticed this truth. When Galileo treats of it, instead of offering any reasons which could independently establish this principle, he gives his readers a number of analogies and illustrations, many of them very loose ones. Thus the raising a great weight by a small force, he illustrates by supposing the weight broken into many small parts, and conceiving those parts raised one by one. By other persons, the analogy, already intimated, of gain and loss is referred to as an argument for the principle in question. Such images may please the fancy, but they cannot be accepted as mechanical reasons.

Since Galileo neither first enunciated this rule, nor ever proved it as an independent principle of Mechanics, we cannot consider the discovery of it as one of his mechanical achievements. Still less can we compare his reference to this principle with Stevinus's proof of the Inclined Plane; which, as we have seen, was rigorously inferred from the sound axiom, that a body cannot put itself in motion. If we were to assent to the really self-evident axioms of Stevinus, only in virtue