cherished as the corner-stone upon which you are to rear American institutions, - the corner-stone of civil and religious liberty." The question being taken on Mr. Sumner's amendment, it was agreed to,-yeas 19, nays 17. The House concurred, and the President approved the bill.

On the 21st of June, Mr. Sumner moved to amend "the bill to amend the charter of the Washington and Georgetown Railroad Company" by adding, "that there shall be no exclusion of any person from any car on account of color." Mr. Sherman thought "the amendment ought not to be adopted." Mr. Hendrick opposed the amendment, because it tended to depreciate the value of investments made on the faith of former legislation. Mr. Willey would vote against the amendment. The Committee on the District of Columbia, and the Senate, had deliberately decided that negroes "had the same right under the original charter to go into any car, as white persons."-"I presume," said Mr. Sumner, "the senator will vote against this proposition; for he would not act naturally if he did not." "He can ride with negroes if he sees proper," replied Mr. Willey; ee so may I: : but, if I see proper not to do so, I shall follow my natural instincts, while he follows his." " I shall vote for this amendment," said Mr. Wilson; "and my own observation convinces me that justice, not to say decency, requires that I should do so. Some weeks ago, I rode to the capital in one of these cars. On the front part of the car, standing with the driver, were, I think, five colored clergymen of the Methodist-Episcopal Church, dressed like gentlemen, and behaving like gentlemen. These clergymen were riding with the driver on

trodden under the heel of power. I trust we shall protect rights, if we do it over prejudices and over interests, until every man in this country is fully protected in all the rights that belong to beings made in the image of God. Let the free man of this race be permitted to run the career of life; to make of himself all that God intended he should make, when he breathed into him the breath of life." Mr. Grimes desired to know if these colored men would not be compelled to enforce their rights in the courts if the amendment should pass, and "the company goes on, and does exactly what it has been doing."—"The company,” replied Mr. Sumner, "will not dare to continue this outrage in the face and eyes of a positive provision of statute."-"Poor, helpless, and despised inferior race of white men," exclaimed Mr. Saulsbury, "you have very little interest in this Government; you are not worth consideration in the legislation of the country: but let your superior, Sambo's interests come in question, and you will find the most tender solicitude in his behalf! What a pity it is there is not somebody to lampblack white men, so that their rights could be secured." Mr. Powell thought

the senator from Massachusetts should, "the next time one of his Ethiopian friends comes to complain to him on this subject that he has been wronged and outraged, volunteer to bring an action in the courts, and teach this heartless corporation that they must treat these persons properly, and not deny them any of their legal rights. The senator has indicated to his fanatical brethren those people who meet in free-love societies, the old ladies, the sensation preachers, and those who live on fanaticism that he has offered it; and I see

no reason why we should take up the time of the Senate eternally with squabbling over the senator's amendments introducing the negro into every wood-pile that comes along." Mr. Sumner called for the yeas and nays; and they were ordered, and, being taken, resulted—yeas 14, nays 16. The bill was then reported to the Senate. Mr. Sumner renewed his amendment; and it was agreed to, yeas 17, nays 16. The House concurred in the amendment; and the Washington and Georgetown Railroad Company was forbidden to exclude persons from their cars on account of color.

CHAPTER XXIV.

CONCLUSION.

HE annals of the nation bear the amplest evidence

THE

that the patriots and statesmen who carried the country through the Revolution from colonial dependence to national independence, framed the Constitution, and inaugurated the Federal Government, hoped and believed that slavery would pass away at no distant period under the influences of the institutions they had founded. But those illustrious men tasted death without witnessing the realization of their hopes and anticipations. The rapid development of the resources of the country under the protection of a stable government, the opening-up of new and rich lands, the expansion of territory, and perhaps, more than all, the wonderful growth and importance of the cotton culture, enhanced the value of labor, and increased many fold the price of slaves. Under the stimulating influences of an ever-increasing pecuniary interest, a political power was speedily developed, which early manifested itself in the National Government, For nearly two generations, the slaveholding class, into whose power the Government early passed, dictated the policy of the nation. But the Presidential Election of 1860 resulted in the defeat of the slaveholding class, and in the success of men who religiously believe slavery to be a grievous wrong to the slave, a blight upon the prosperity, and a