That such vessels and effects as should be taken in the Channel and the North Seas, after the space of twelve days, to be computed from the ratification of the said preliminary articles, should be restored on all sides; that the term should be one month from the Channel and North Seas, as far as the Canary Islands inclusively, whether in the Ocean or the Mediterranean; two months from the said Canary Islands, as far as the equinoctial line or equator; and lastly, five months in all other parts of the world, without any exception, or any other more particular description of time or place:

And whereas the ratifications of the said preliminary articles between his said majesty the king of Great Britain and his most Christian majesty, in due form, were exchanged by their ministers on the third day of this instant February, from which day the several terms above-mentioned, of twelve days, of one month, of two months, and of five months, are to be computed, relative to all British and American vessels and effects:

Now, therefore, we the ministers plenipotentiary from the United States of America for making peace with Great Britain, do notify to the people and citizens of the said United States of America, that hostilities on their part against his Britannic majesty, both by sea and land, are to cease at the expiration of the terms herein before specified therefor, and which terms are to be computed from the third day of February instant. And we do, in the name and by the authority of the said United States, accordingly warn and enjoin all their officers and citizens, to forbear all acts of hostility whatever, either by laud or by sea, against his said majesty the king of Great Britain or his subjects, under the penalty of incurring the highest displeasure of the said United States.

Given at Paris the twentieth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, under our hands and seals.

:

(Signed)

JOHN ADAMS. (L.S.)

JOHN JAY.

B. FRANKLIN. (L.S.) (L.S.)

DAVID HARTLEY, Esq. M.P. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

With propositions.

London, March 12, 1783. It is a long while since I have heard from you, or indeed since I writ to you. I heartily congratulate you on those pacific events which have already happened, and I wish to see all other final steps of conciliation succeed speedily. I send you copies of two papers which I have already communicated to Mr. Laurens; the one called, Conciliatory propositions in March, 1783; the other, A sketch of a provisional treaty of commerce for opening the ports between Great Britain and the United States of America without delay; to each of which is prefixed a short state of the argument on each head.

As for the news of this country, you have doubtless heard, that Lord Shelburne's administration has for some time been considered as at an end, although no other has been as yet substituted in the place of it. It was understood yesterday, and I believe with good foundation, that what is now called the Portland party have been applied to, and they are now considered as the party most likely to succeed. As far as my wishes go, such an event would be most satisfactory to me. I have known the Duke of Portland for many years, and by experience I know him to be a nobleman of the strictest honor and of the soundest whig principles, sincere

and explicit in every thought and transaction, manly in his judgment, and firm in his conduct. The kingdom of Ireland, of which he was lately lord-lieutenant, bears unanimous testimony to this character of him. The Cavendish family, (a good whig name,) Mr. Fox, Lord Fitzwilliam, &c. &c. form the core of his system and connexions. I most earnestly wish to see a firm administration upon a whig foundation, which I should consider as a solid basis on the part of this country for a perpetual correspondence of amity and conciliation with America. I am very anxious to hear of your health. God bless you. Ever your most affectionate, D. HARTLEY....

CONCILIATORY PROPOSITIONS,

MARCH, 1783.

!

Terms of peace having been agreed upon between Great Britain and France on the 20th of January, 1783, there need not be any farther delay in proceeding to conclude the proposed treaty between Great Britain and the United States of America, upon the basis of the provisional articles of the 30th of November, 1782.

It is to be observed that none of the articles of the provisional treaty are to take effect until the conclusion of the definitive treaty with America, at which time likewise, all places in the American States, in possession of the British arms, are to be evacuated, and the British army withdrawn from the United States (by article 7). If, therefore, it should be wished on the part of Great Britain to bring forward the 5th article respecting the loyalists, before the conclusion of the definitive treaty with America, the bayonet should be withdrawn from the American breast by the voluntary removal of the British troops with all convenient

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dispatch. This condition of the removal of the troops is likewise necessary before any provisional terms of commerce with America can take place.

By the 6th article of the provisional treaty, all future confiscations in America are precluded, although the prosecutions at present subsisting are not to be stopped before the definitive treaty. But if the substantial pledge of returning amity on the part of Great Britain, viz. the removal of the troops, should be voluntarily anticipated, it would be but reasonable that all prosecutions should be immediately abated on the part of America; and, to facilitate the removal of the troops, the loyalists may be permitted to remain in safety and unmolested (if they choose to remain) from the period of removing the troops until twelve months after the definitive treaty.

There is another article of the provisional treaty, the delay of which is much to be lamented, viz. the mutual release of prisoners of war on both sides. As this is an article of reciprocity, both sides, from principles of huma nity, are equally interested to bring it forward into effect speedily; that those unhappy captives may not alone suffer the miseries of war in the time of peace.

Upon these considerations the following supplemental terms of treaty between Great Britain and the United States are proposed.

1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn with all convenient speed.

2. That the commissioners on both sides do proceed to the conclusion of the definitive treaty.

3. That the commissioners do speedily negociate a provisional convention of commerce (hereunto annexed) to take place immediately. The terms of this temporary convention not to be pleaded on either side in the negociation of a final

and perpetual treaty of commerce between Great Britain and the United States.

4. That the commissioners do negociate a perpetual treaty of commerce.

5. That all prosecutions of the loyalists in America be immediately abated, and that they be permitted to remain until twelve months after the definitive treaty, unmolested in their endeavors to obtain restitution of their estates.

6. That all prisoners, on both sides, be immediately released.

7. That intercourse of amity and commerce do immediately take place between Great Britain and the United States of America.

Sketch of a provisional treaty of commerce..

As soon as preliminaries of peace are signed with any independent states, such as Spain, France, and Holland, the course of mutual commerce emerges upon the same terms and conditions, as were existing antecedent to the war, the new duties imposed during the war excepted. The case between Great Britain and America is different, because America, from a dependent nation before the war, emerges an independent nation after the war. The basis therefore of provisional treaty between Great Britain and the United States would be simply to arrange' such points as would emerge after the war, impracticable and discordant to the newlyestablished independence of the American States, and to leave all others as much as possible untouched: for instance, that all instrumental regulations, such as papers, bonds, certificates, oaths, and all other documents should be between Great Britain and the United States, upon the same footing and no other than as between Great Britain and any other independent nation; but that all duties, drawbacks, bounties, rights,