act in the commission for peace; but if he is on the way to Paris, as you suppose, I presume my information must be a mistake, which I am very glad of. Mr. Laurens did me the honor of a very short visit, in his way to France, but I was very sorry to learn from him, that in a letter to your. Excellency from Ostend, he had declined serving in the commission for peace. I had vast pleasure in his conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact judgment concerning our enemies, and of the same noble sentiments in all things, which I saw in him in Congress. What is the system of Russia? Does she suppose that England has too many enemies upon her, and that their demands and pretensions are too high? Does she seek to embroil affairs, and to light up a general war in Europe? Is Denmark in concert with her, or any other power? Her conduct is a phenomenon. Is there any secret negociation or intrigue on foot to form a party for England among the powers of Europe? and to make a balance against the power of the enemies of England? The states of Holland and several other provinces have taken a resolution against the mediation for a separate peace, and this nation seems to be well fixed in its system, and in the common cause. My best respects and affections to my old friend Mr. Jay, if you please. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, J. ADAMS. I wrote to Mr. Secretary Livingston, and Mr. Robert Morris, of which the following are extracts. TO ROB. R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Passy, June 25, 1782. "By the newspapers I have sent, you will see that the general disposition of the British nation towards us had been changed. Two persons have been sent here by the new ministers, to propose treating for peace. They had at first some hopes of getting the belligerent powers to treat separately, one after another, but finding that imprac ticable, they have, after several messengers sent to and fro, come to a resolution of treating with all together for a general peace, and have agreed that the place shall be Paris. Mr. Grenville is now here with full powers for that purpose, (if they can be reckoned full with regard to America, till a certain act is completed for enabling his Majesty to treat, &c. which has gone through the commons, and has been once read in the lords.) I keep a very particular journal of what passes every day, in the affair, which is transcribing to be sent you. I shall therefore need to say no more of it in this letter, except that though I still think they were at first sincere in their desire of peace, yet since their success in the West Indies, I imagine that I see marks of their desiring rather to draw the negociations into length, that they may take the chance of what the rest of the campaign shall produce in their favor; and as there are so many interests to adjust, it will be prudent for us to suppose, that even another campaign may pass before all can be agreed. Something too may happen to break off the negociations, and we should be prepared for the worst. I hoped for the assistance of Mr. Adams and Mr. Laurens. The first is too much engaged in Holland to come hither, and the other declines serving; but I have now the satisfaction of being joined by Mr. Jay, who happily arrived here from Madrid last Sunday. The Marquis de la Fayette is of real use in our affairs here, and as the campaign is not likely to be very active in North America, I wish I may be able to prevail with him to stay a few weeks longer. By him you will receive the journal abovementioned, which is already pretty voluminous, and yet the negociations cannot be said to be opened. "Ireland you will see has obtained all her demands triumphantly. I meet no one from that country who does not express some obligation to America for their success. "Before I received your just observations on the subject, I had obtained from the English ministers a resolution to exchange all our prisoners. They thought themselves obliged to have an act of parliament for authorizing the king to do it. This war being different from others, as made by an act of parliament declaring us rebels, and our people being committed as for high treason, I impowered Mr. Hodgson, who was chairman of the committee that collected and dispensed the charitable subscriptions for the American prisoners, to treat and conclude on terms of their discharge, and having approved of the draft he sent me of the agreement, I hope the congress will see fit to order a punctual execution of it. I have long suffered with those poor brave men, who with so much public virtue have endured four or five years' hard imprisonment, rather than serve against their country. I have done all I could afford towards making their situations more comfortable; but their number was so great, that I could do but little for each; and that very great villain, Digges, defrauded them of between three and four hundred pounds, which he drew from me on their account, He lately wrote me a letter, in which he pretended he was coming to settle with me, and to convince me that I had been mistaken with regard to his conduct; but he never appeared; and I hear he is gone to America. Beware of him, for he is very artful, and has cheated many. I hear every day of new rogueries committed by him in England. "The ambassador from Sweden to this court applied to me lately, to know if I had powers that would authorize my making a treaty with his master, in behalf of the United States. Recollecting a general power that was formerly given to me with the other commissioners, I answered in the affirmative. He seemed much pleased, and said the king had directed him to ask the question, and had charged him to tell me, that he had so great an esteem for me, that it would be a particular satisfaction to him to leave such a transaction with me. I have perhaps some vanity in repeating this, but I think too that it is right that Congress should know it, and judge if any use may be made of the réputation of a citizen for the public service. In case it should be thought fit to employ me in that business, it will be well to send a more particular power and proper instruc tions. The ambassador added, that it was a pleasure to him to think, and he hoped it would be remembered, that Sweden was the first power in Europe which had voluntarily offered its friendship to the United States, without being solicited. This affair should be talked of as little as possible, till completed." TO THE HON. ROBERT MORRIS. Passy, June 25, 1782. "For what relates to war and peace, I must refer you to Mr. Livingston, to whom I write fully. I will only say, that though the English a few months since seemed desirous of peace, I suspect they now intend to draw out the negociation into length, till they can see what this campaign will produce. I hope our people will not be deceived by fair words, but be on their guard, ready against every attempt that our insidious enemies may make upon us. I am, &c." Wednesday, 26th. I sent away my letters, and went to see Mr. Oswald. I showed him the draft of a letter to be addressed to him instead of Lord Shelburne, respecting the commission or public character he might hereafter be vested with; this draft was founded on Lord S.'s memorandums, which Mr. Oswald had shown to me, and this letter was intended to be communicated by him to Lord Shelburne. Mr. Oswald liked the mode, but rather chose that no mention should be made of his having shown me Lord S.'s memorandums, though he thought they were given him for that purpose. So I struck that out, and new modelled the letter, which I sent him next day, as follows. SIR, Passy, June 27, 1782. The opinion I have of your candor, probity, good understanding, and good-will to both countries, made me hope that you would have been vested with the character of plenipotentiary to treat with those from America. When Mr. Grenville produced his first commission, which was only to treat with France, I did imagine that the other to treat with us was reserved for you, and kept back only till the enabling bill should be passed. Mr. Grenville has since received a second commission, which, as he informs me, has additional words, impowering him to treat with the ministers of any other prince or state, whom it may concern; 1 See page 196. |