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with regard to their comfortable accommodation on ship board: as those poor unfortunate people have been long absent from their families and friends, and rather hardly treated. With great and sincere respect, I have the honor to be, my Lord, your Lordship's, &c. &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

To the account contained in this letter of what passed in the conversation with the minister, I should add his frank declaration, that as the foundation of a good and durable peace should be laid in justice, whenever a treaty was entered upon, he had several demands to make of justice from England. Of this, said he, I give you previous notice. What those demands were, he did not particularly say; one occurred to me, viz. reparation for the injury done in taking a number of French ships by surprise before the declaration of the preceding war, contrary to the law of nations. Mr. Oswald seemed to wish obtaining some propositions to carry back with him, but M. de Vergennes said to him very properly; "there are four nations engaged in the war against you, who cannot till they have consented and know each other's minds, be ready to make propositions. Your court being without allies and alone, knowing its own mind, can express it immediately. It is therefore more natural to expect the first propositions from you.".

On our return from Versailles, Mr. Oswald took occasion to impress me with ideas, that the present weakness of the government in England with regard to continuing the war, was owing chiefly to the division of sentiments about it. That in case France should make demands too humiliating for England to submit to, the spirit of the nation would be roused, unanimity would prevail, and resources would not be wanting. He said there was no want of money in the nation; that the chief difficulty lay in the finding out new taxes to

raise it; and perhaps that difficulty might be avoided by shutting up the Exchequer, stopping the payment of the interest of the public funds, and applying that money to the support of the war. I made no reply to this, for I did not desire to discourage their stopping payment, which I considered as cutting the throat of their public credit, and a means of adding fresh exasperation against them with the neighbouring nations: such menaces were: besides an encouragement with me, remembering the adage, that they who threaten are afraid.. ú i

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The next morning, when I had written the above letter to Lord Shelburne, I went with it to Mr. Oswald's lodgings, and gave it him to read before I sealed it, that.in case any thing might be in it with which he was not satisfied, it might be corrected; but he expressed himselfo much pleased. In going to him, I had also in view the ehtering intoba conver‐sation, which might draw out something of the mind of his court on the subject of Catiada add Nova Scotia........I had thrown out some loose thoughts on papèo, auhieh I intended to serve as memorandums for my discourse, but without ch fixed intention" of showing them to him. On his saying that he was obliged to me for the goodhopinion I had expressed of him to Lord Shelburne in my letter, and assuring that he had entertained the same of me; I observed, that I perceived I Lord S. placed great confidence in him, and as we had happily the same in each other, we might possibly by a free communication of sentiments, and a previous settling of our own minds, on some of the important points, be the means of great good, by impressing our sentiments on the minds of those with whom they might have influence, and where their being received might be of importance. I then remarked that his nation seemed to desire a reconciliation with America; that I heartily wished the same thing; that a mere pence would not produce half its advantages if not

attended with a sincere reconciliation; that to obtain this the party which had been the aggressors, and had cruelly treated the other, should show some marks of concern for what was past, and some disposition to make reparation: that perhaps there were things which America might demand by way of reparation, and which England might yield, but that the -effect would be vastly greater if they appeared to be volun-tary, and, to spring from returning good-will; that I therefore wished England would think of offering something to relieve them who had suffered by its scalping and burning parties; lives indeed could not be restored nor compensated, but the villages and houses wantonly destroyed might be rebuilt, &c. I then touched upon the affair of Canada, and as in a former conversation he had maintained his opinion, that the giving up of that country to the English at the last peace had been a politic act in France, for that it had weakened the ties between England and her colonies, and that he himself had predicted from it the late revolution;. I spoke of the occasions of future quarrels that might be produced by her continuing to hold it; hinting at the same time, but not expressing it too plainly, that such a situation, to us so dangerbus, would necessarily oblige us to cultivate and strengthen our union with France. He appeared much struck with my discourse; and as I frequently looked at my paper, he desired to see it. After some little delay, I allowed him to read it. The following is an exact copy.

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NOTES OF CONVERSATION.

"To make a peace durable, what may give occasion for future wars, should, if practicable, be removed. The territory of the United States and that of Canada by long extended frontiers touch each other.

The settlers on the frontiers of the American provinces

are generally the most disorderly of the people, who being far removed from the eye and control of their respective governments, are more bold in committing offences against neighbours, and are for ever occasioning complaints, and furnishing matter for fresh differences between their

states.

By the late debates in parliament, and public writings, it appears that Britain desires a reconciliation with the Ame ricans. It is a sweet word. It means much more than a mere peace, and it is heartily to be wished for. Nations make a peace whenever they are both weary of making war. But if one of them has made war upon the other unjustly, and has wantonly and unnecessarily done it great injuries, and refuses reparation; though there may for the present be peace, the resentment of those injuries will remain, and will break out again in vengeance, when occasions offer. Those occasions will be watched for by one side, feared by the other; and the peace will never be secure; nor ¿cán, any cordiality subsist between them.iem you 55 bit” a chos

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Many houses and villages have been burnt in America, by the English and their allies the Indians. I do not know that the Americans will insist on reparation. Perhaps they may. But would it not be better for England, to offer it. Nothing would have a greater tendency to conciliate. And much of the future commerce and returning intercourse between the two countries may depend on the reconciliation. Would not the advantage of reconciliation by such means be greater than the expence?

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If then a way can be proposed which may tend to efface the memory of injuries, at the same time that it takes away the occasions of fresh quarrels and mischief, will it not be worth considering, especially if it can be done not only without expence, but be a means of saving.

Britain possesses Canada. Her chief advantage from that

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possessión consists in the trade for peltry. Her expences in governing and defending that settlement must be considerable. It might be humiliating to her to give it up on the demand of America. Perhaps America will not demand it. Some of her political rulers may consider the fear of such a neighbour as a means of keeping the thirteen States more united among themselves, and more attentive to military discipline. But in the mind of the people in general, would it not have an excellent effect if Britain should voluntarily offer to give up that province; though on these conditions, that she should in all time coming have and enjoy the right of free trade thither unincumbered with any duties whatsoever; that so much of the waste lands there shall be sold as will raise a sum sufficient to pay for the houses burnt by the British troops and their Indians, and also to indemnify the Royalists for the confiscation of their estates.

This is mere conversation matter between Mr. O. and Mr. F. as the former is not empowered to make propositions, and the latter cannot make any without the concurrence of his colleagues."

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He then told me that nothing in his judgment could be clearer, more satisfactory, and convincing than the reasonings in that paper; that he would do his utmost to impress Lord Shelburne with them; that as his memory might not do them justice, and it would be impossible for him to express them so well, or state them so clearly as I had written them, he begged I would let him take the paper with him, assuring me that he would return it safely into my hands. I at length complied with this request also. We parted exceeding good friends, and he set qut for London.

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By the first opportunity afterwards, I wrote the following letter to Mr. Adams, and sent the papers therein mentioned, that he might be fully apprized of the proceedings. I

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