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beguiled their cares. With woods for dyes, for use, for ornament, I have adorned their houses and completed and furnished their ships. The steamer, the tamed leviathan, and the lightning's writing are my work, and from seashore to seashore my sons have laid iron strands until they have encircled the globe. Against my shores the Gulf Stream breaks its force and hastens on to warm the farthest northland of Europe. In the Florida gulf invisibly and silently the coral billions are at work to turn the Gulf Stream and to cover Europe with ice, but my genius will remove this barrier. The ironcuirassed ship and the ram of bronze and the monitor are the children of my brain; and I have taught the laws of the Trade Winds, and

pour out the treasures of the depths of the sea and the land for my people, that it may be multiplied and nourished, while to protect it I hold over it and its future this bright banner of the Stars and Stripes,- an emblem of freedom and human dignity for all,-that beneath it shall be a rendezvous for the free of the earth! And in this sign, I will conquer! (Peroration of an address in the "World's Best Orations.» July 4th, 1871, Delivered by permission.)

Helmholtz, Hermann Ludwig Ferdinand von (Germany, 1821-1894.)

Duration of Life on Earth - We may, therefore, assume with great probability that the sun will still continue in its condensation, even if it only attained the density of the earth,--though it will probably become far denser in the interior, owing to the enormous pressure,this would develop fresh quantities of heat which would be sufficient to maintain for an additional seventeen million years the same intensity of sunshine as that which is now the source of all terrestrial life. The term of seventeen million years which I have given may, perhaps, become considerably prolonged by the gradual abatement of radiation, by the new accretion of falling meteors, and by still greater condensation than that which I have assumed in that calculation. But we know of no natural process which could spare our sun the fate which has manifestly fallen upon other suns. This is a thought which we only reluctantly admit; it seems to us an insult to the beneficent Creative Power which we otherwise find at work in organisms, and especially in living ones. But we must reconcile ourselves to the thought that, however we may consider ourselves to be the centre and final object of creation, we are but as dust on the earth; which again is but a speck of dust in the immensity of space; and the previous duration of our race, even if we follow it far beyond our written history, into the era of the lake dwellings or of the mammoth is but an instant compared with the primeval times of our planet, when living things existed upon it, whose strange and unearthly remains still gaze at us from their ancient tombs; and far more does the duration of our race sink into insig

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The Right to Make Foolish Speeches The Constitution provides that Congress "shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press." The President, like other persons, is protected under this clause. He, too, has the right to make foolish speeches. I do not now say that there is no limit to the enjoyment of this right, or that it might not be so much abused by a President as to demand his impeachment and removal from office. But in this case the offense is certainly not of so heinous a character as to demand punishment in the absence of a law defining the right and providing specific penalties, and also in the face of a constitutional provision declaring that the freedom of speech cannot be abridged by law. -(From an opinion delivered at the impeachment of President Johnson in 1868.)

Henry, Patrick (American, 1736–1799.)

"Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death ». (Delivered at Richmond, in the Virginia Convention, on a resolution to put the commonwealth into a state of defense, March 23d, 1775. (Complete text from "World's Best Orations.") Mr. President:- No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is naturul to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and having

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ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, What means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free,- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending,- if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in

which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained,—we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable- and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

A Prophecy of Progress-The population of the Old World is full to overflowing. That population is ground, too, by the oppressions of the governments under which they live. Sir, they are already standing on tiptoe upon their native shores, and looking to your coasts with a wistful and longing eye. They see here a land blessed with natural and political advantages, which are not equaled by those of any other country upon earth; -a land on which a gracious Providence hath emptied the horn of abundance, a land over which Peace hath now stretched forth her white wings, and where Content and Plenty lie down at every door!

Sir, they see something still more attractive than all this. They see a land in which Liberty hath taken up her abode, -that Liberty whom

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they had considered as a fabled goddess, existing only in the fancies of poets. They see her here a real divinity, - her altars rising on every hand throughout these happy States; her glories chanted by three millions of tongues, and the whole region smiling under her blessed influence. Sir, let but this, our celestial goddess, Liberty, stretch forth her fair hand toward the people of the Old World, -tell them to come, and bid them welcome,—and you will see them pouring in from the North, from the South, from the East, and from the West. Your wildernesses will be cleared and settled, your deserts will smile, our ranks will be filled, and you will soon be in a condition to defy the powers of any adversary.—( 1782. )

"Why Should We Fetter Commerce ?» Why should we fetter commerce? If a man is in chains, he droops and bows to the earth, because his spirits are broken; but let him twist the fetters from his legs, and he will stand erect. Fetter not commerce! Let her be free as air. She will range the whole creation, and return on the four winds of heaven to bless the land with plenty.

Herder, Johann Gottfried von 1744-1803.)

(Germany,

"It Is No Tenet of Religion to Abjure Thinking" - Believe me, my hearers, it is no tenet of religion to abjure thinking. It is rather its decay and the decay of humanity. Even the Apostles (and they were called by Jesus to teach) commended their hearers when they searched whether the things were so as they had said; and so would it be for me the greatest satisfaction of my calling to have awakened in you the habit of thought and reflection upon religion, and to have aided each one of you in the work of arousing his own conscience, developing more clearly his former dim experiences, training his own understanding, and in short, through my exposition of religion, rendering himself wiser, more selfacquainted, nobler, and better than he was before. In this way religion serves also for the education of our time, and that which has already so far exalted the human understanding would continue to elevate it, and with it our virtue, our humanity, our bliss. Happy times! happy world!

Higginson, John (England, 1616–1708.)

Cent Per Cent in New England - My fathers and brethren, this is never to be forgotten, that New England is originally a plantation of religion, not a plantation of trade. Let merchants and such as are increasing cent per cent remember this. Let others that have come over since at several times remember this, that worldly gain was not the end and design of the people of New England, but religion. And if any amongst us make religion as twelve, and the world as thirteen, let such a one know he hath neither the spirit of a true New England man, nor yet of a sincere Christian.- (From a sermon at Cambridge, 1663.)

Hill, Benjamin Harvey (American, 18231882.)

"I Was Born a Slaveholder »-I was born a slaveholder. That was a decree of my country's laws, not my own. I never bought a slave save at his own request; and of that I am not ashamed. I was never unkind to a slave, and all I ever owned will bear cheerful testimony to that fact. I would never deprive a human being, of any race, or color, or condition, of his right to the equal protection of the laws; and no colored man who knows me believes I would. Of all forms of cowardice, that is the meanest which would oppress the helpless, or wrong the defenseless; but I had the courage to face secession in its maddest hour, and say I would not give the American Union for African slavery, and that if slavery dared strike the Union, slavery would perish. Slavery did perish, and now in this high council of the greatest of nations, I face the leaders of State destruction and declare that this ark of our political covenant, this constitutional casket of our confederate nation, encasing as it does more of human liberty and human security and human hope than any government ever formed by man, I would not break for the whole African race. And cursed, thrice cursed forever be the man who would! Sir, in disunion through the disintegration of the States I have never been able to see anything but anarchy with its endless horrors. In disunion through the destruction of the States I have never been able to see anything but rigid, hopeless despotism, with all its endless oppression. In disunion by any means, in any form, for any cause, I have never been able to see anything but blood, and waste, and ruin to all races and colors and conditions of men. But in the preservation of our Union of States, this confederate nation, I have never been able to see anything but a grandeur and a glory such as no people ever enjoyed. I pray God that every arm that shall be raised to destroy that Union may be withered before it can strike the blow.-(U.S. Senate, 1879.) Hilliard, H. W. (American, 1808-1892.)

Constitutional Government-History describes upon none of its pages such a scene. Other governments had grown up under circumstances whose imperious pressure gave them their peculiar forms and they had been modified from time to time, to keep pace with an advancing civilization; but here was a government created by men emancipated from all foreign influence, and who, in their deliberations, acknowledged no supreme authority but that of God.

States already republican and independent were formed into a confederation, and the great principles of the government were embodied in a constitution.

Manhood-A really great man is the grandest object which this world ever exhibits. The heavens in their magnificence- the ocean in its sublime immensity-mountains standing firm

upon their granite foundations- all are less imposing than a living man in the possession of his highest faculties.- (From a speech on Webster, in 1854.)

Hoar, George Frisbie (American, 1826-.)

The Puritan-The Puritan believed in a future life, where just men were to enjoy, immortality with those whom they had loved here; and this belief was his comfort and support in all the sorrow and suffering which he encountered. But he believed also in the coming of God's kingdom here. He had a firm faith that the State he had builded was to continue and grow, a community of men living together in the practice of virtue, in the worship of God, in the pursuit of truth. It has been Isaid of each of two great Puritan leaders : "Hope shone like a fiery pillar in him when it had gone out in all others. His mind is firmly fixed on the future; his face is radiant with the sunrise he intently watches."

Lastly, the Puritan believed in the law of righteous retribution in the affairs of nations. No departure from God's law of absolute justice, of absolute honesty, of absolute righteousness, could escape, so it seemed to him, its certain and terrible punishment. The oppressor who deprived the poorest or weakest of mankind of the equal right with which God had endowed him, the promise-breaker who juggled with public obligation, the man who gained power by violence or fraud, brought down, as he believed, the vengeance of God upon himself and upon his children, and upon the nation which permitted him, to the third and fourth generation. -( 1876.)

Holborne, Sir Robert (England, c. 15941647.)

Against Ship Money- Admit the rule of salus populi suprema lex; yet the law of practice doth not yield till there be an actual enemy, or flagrans bellum. It is not enough that there be but an apprehension. — (1637. ) Holmes, Oliver Wendell (American, 18091894.)

Boston the Hub - Boston statehouse is the hub of the solar system. (1858.)

Hooker, Richard (England, 1553-1600.)

"Law's Seat in the Bosom of God" - Of Law there can be no less acknowledged than that her seat is the bosom of God; her voice the harmony of the world; all things in heaven and earth do her homage; the very least as feeling her care, and the greatest as not exempted from her power. Both angels and men, and creatures of what condition soever, though each in different sort and manner, yet all, with uniform consent, admiring her as the mother of their peace and joy.

Houston, Samuel (American, 1793-1863.)

"I am Opposed to Both Extremes »- Mr. President, I said that I would not take up the time of the Senate, nor have I any disposition

to do so; but I do say that was the best act of my life. My life has been a long and varied one. The only achievement that failed and brought sorrow to my heart was that I could not defeat that fatal measure [the KansasNebraska Bill] which fostered by demagogues, originated in ambition, was intended for no valuable interest of the country, but to unite the South, and, with a few scattering northern States, make a President, and continue the succession. That was the iniquity of it. I said then that the oldest man living at that time might say he had seen the commencement of trouble, but the youngest child then born would not see the end of the calamities which would result to the South from that measure, if adopted. It has been adopted, and what has been the result? That is a subject on which I have nothing to say. My actions may speak of what I think of it; but I do not desire any misapprehension of my motives or my conduct to be entertained. Whenever a gentleman presents himself who has given stronger assurance of patriotic devotion to his country than I have done to the Union and the Constitution and to every section, then I will defer to him, and hear a rebuke for the sentiments which have been nourished and cherished in my heart while living, and will be buried with me unless they ascend to a higher destiny.

Mr. President, I am opposed to the extremely improper sentiments uttered in the North, as I am in the South. I am opposed to both extremes; I favor neither. There is a middle ground; and there we shall find rectitude and propriety, and all that is desirable.-(1858.)

Hoyt, Rev. Dr. Wayland (American, Contemporaneous.)

Benevolent Assimilation and Manifest Providence Christ is the solution of the difficulty regarding national expansion. There never was a more manifest Providence than the waving of Old Glory over the Philippines. The only thing we can do is to thrash the natives, until they understand who we are. I believe every bullet sent, every cannon shot, every flag waved means righteousness.-(March, 1899.) Hughes, Thomas (England, 1823-1896.)

Work and Aspiration-The only idealism I plead for is not only compatible with sustained and vigorous work; it cannot be maintained without it. The gospel of work is a true gospel, though not the only one, or the highest, as has been preached in our day by great teachers. And I do not deny that the advice I have just been giving you may seem at first sight to conflict with the work gospel. Listen, for instance, to the ring of it in the rugged and incisive words of one of our strongest poets:

That low man seeks a little thing to do,

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Hugo, Victor (France, 1802-1885.)

"The First Tree of Liberty » - The first tree of liberty was planted eighteen hundred years ago by God himself on Golgotha! The first tree of liberty was that cross on which Jesus Christ was offered a sacrifice, for the liberty, equality, and fraternity of the human race! (1848. From the "World's Best Orations.")

Voices From the Grave-It is not the will of God that liberty, which is his word, should be silent. Citizens the moment that triumphant despots believe that they have forever taken the power of speech from ideas, it is restored by the Almighty. This tribune destroyed, he reconstructs it. Not in the midst of the public square,-not with granite or marble; there is no need of that. He reconstructs it in solitude; he reconstructs it with the grass of the cemetery, with the shade of the cypress, with the gloomy hillock made by the coffins buried in the earth,- and from this solitude, this grass, this cypress, these hidden coffins, know you, citizens, what proceeds? There comes the heartrending cry of humanitythere comes denunciation and testimony-there comes the inexorable accusation which causes the crowned criminal to turn pale - there comes the terrible protest of the dead!

"Napoleon the Little». Nobody dreams of the Empire, you tell us. What mean, then, those cries of Vive l'empereur? and who pays for them? What means this mendicant petition for a prolongation of the president's powers? What is a prolongation? The consulate for life? And where leads the consulate for life? To the Empire! Gentlemen, here is an intrigue. We will let in daylight upon it, if you please. France must not wake up one of these fine mornings and find herself emperorridden, without knowing why. An emperor ! Let us consider the subject a little. Because there was once a man who gained the battle of Marengo, and who reigned, must the man who gained only the battle of Satory reign also? Because, ten centuries ago, Charlemagne, after forty years of glory, let fall on the face of the globe a sceptre and a sword of such proportions that no one dared to touch them; and because, a thousand years later, -for it requires a gestation of a thousand years to produce such men, - another genius appeared, who took up that sword and sceptre, and stood up erect under the weight; a man who chained revolution in France, and unchained it in the rest of Europe; who added to his name the brilliant synonyms of Rivoli, Jena, Essling, Friedland, Montmirail; because this man, after ten years of a glory almost fabulous in its grandeur, let fall, in his turn, that sceptre and sword which had accomplished such colossal exploits, you would come,—you, you would presume, after him, to catch them up as he did, -he, Napoleon, after Charlemagne,—and grasp in your feeble hands this sceptre of the

giants, this sword of the Titans ! What to do?

What! after Augustus must we have Augustulus? Because we have had a Napoleon the Great, must we now have Napoleon the Little?

"Providence for Us, the Politicians against Us» - When I consider all that Providence has done for us, and all that politicians have done against us, a melancholy consideration presents itself. We learn, from the statistics of Europe, that she now spends annually, for the maintenance of her armies, the sum of five hundred millions of dollars. If, for the last thirty-two years, this enormous sum had been expended in the interests of peace,- America meanwhile aiding Europe,-know you what would have happened? The face of the world would have been changed. Isthmuses would have been cut through; rivers would have been channeled; mountains tunneled. Railroads would have covered the two continents. The merchant tonnage of the world would have increased a hundred fold. There would be nowhere barren plains, nor moors, nor marshes. Cities would be seen where now all is still a solitude. Harbors would have been dug where shoals and rocks now threaten navigation. Asia would be raised to a state of civilization. Africa would be restored to man. Abundance would flow forth from every side, from all the veins of the earth, beneath the labor of the whole family of man; and misery would disappear! And, with misery, what would also disappear? Revolutions. Yes; the face of the world would be changed. Instead of destroying one another, men would peacefully people the waste places of the earth. Instead of making revolutions, they would establish colonies. Instead of bringing back barbarism into civilization, they would carry civilization into barbarism.- (1849.) Humphrey, E. P. neous.) Limitation-The course of nature itself seems to confirm the proposition as to the relation between sin and suffering. The most thorough inquiry into the structure of the physical universe conducts to the conclusion that it was created by a being infinitely good and intended for a race infinitely sinful. It is a magnificent palace-prison; as a palace declaring the glory of its maker, as a prison revealing the character of its inmates.

(American, Contempora

Huskisson, William (England, 1770-1830.)

Innovation-I have been charged with being the author in some instances, and the promoter in others, of innovations of a rash and dangerous nature. I deny the charge. I dare the authors of it to the proof. Gentlemen, when they talk of innovation, ought to remember, with Lord Bacon, that "Time has been and is the great Innovator. » Upon that innovator I have felt it my duty cautiously to wait at a becoming distance and with proper circumspection; but not arrogantly and presumptuously to go before him, and endeavor to outstrip his course.

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