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drunken dog had spoiled all !' because in this drunkenness he had precipitated the execution of a plot which was soberly laid. His lordship also tells us that he is a member of the Union Club, and vouches for the loyalty of that association. It would be well if he called to mind that Petion, who, like himself, was a popular mayor, was, like him, also a member of a club of reformers, which club would have brought him to the guillotine, if he had not escaped that fate by perishing of hunger in the open fields! The Lord Mayor is a most active magistrate; no man pursues a thies with more alacrity, or collars one with greater spirit; in the language of the fancy, he is game. Nor is this his only merit-he goes through his business with decision and despatch. But when he meddles with state-affairs, he reminds us of the old adage, Non ex quovis ligno Mercurius--it can never be carved into the bust of a staiesman, though it may do very well for the sign of the patriot.

Men engaged in parties, says Bishop Burnet, are not easily put out of countenance. The Lord Mayor denies that he was attacked, though he was shot at; and he would persuade the public that there are no symptoms of a revolutionary spirit in the deluded multitude, though Sir James Shaw, in his presence, seized a fellow bearing the tricolourflag in the Royal Exchange! The Livery of London,in perfect conformity with the opinion of this magistrate, resolved to petition Parliament not to pass any laws restricting the rights of the subject, ' without allowing the people to ascertain the truth of the alleged grounds apon which such measures had been proposed.' Such a resolution could hardly have been expected from the mayor, aldermen, and livery of Gotham ! Information which it is not prudent to lay before Parliament otherwise than through Secret Committees, because, if it were prematurely made public, the guilty would have warning to elude the pursuit of justice, and the persons who had given evidence for detecting them might probably be murdered, the Common Hall would submit to the people, that they may ascertain its truth: they petition Parliament to lei the question be tried and decided by the whole people, instead of putting it in train to be brought before a jury! They take no notice of the great retrenchments which have been made; on the contrary, they imply that no such measures have been taken, as far as it can be implied by words without uttering a direct falsehood ; and they avow the opinion that there is a settled design in the present ministers of the crown to trample upon the liberties of the people, and to establish a despotic government. Mr. Favell, in proposing these resolutions,so remarkable for their moderation, their wisdom, and their truth, trusted that the Livery would be willing to die in the last ditch in defence of their rights ! Brave Mr. Favell did

he mean Fleet Ditch, or Shore Ditch? And Mr. Hunt, the Orator, pathetically, yet heroically, observed, that if the Habeas Cor. pus were suspended, ministers would have a right to drag him to a dungeon and imprison him until the act expired. They might torture his flesh, he said,--they might impair his constitution, but he gloried in the idea that they could not destroy a noble mind! Heroic Mr. Orator Hunt! But these magnanimous patriots may calm themselves. The worthy members of the Livery are in no danger of dying in a ditch, provided they do not walk too near one on their way home from a Reform dinner; and Mr. Hunt will not have his fiesh punished if he appoint no more pugilistic meetings, or keep them no better than his appointment with mine host of the British Coffee House.

• When God only intends the temporary chastisement of a pcople,' says Cowley,' he does not raise up his servant Cyrus, (as he himself is pleased to call him,) or an Alexander, who had as many virtues to do good as vices to do harm, but he makes the Massaniellos and the Johns of Leyden the instruments of his vengeance, that the power of the Almighty may be more evident by the weakness of the means by which he chooses to demonstrate it. He did not assemble the serpents and the monsters of Africa to correct the pride of the Egyptians, but called for his armies of locusts out of Ethiopia, and formed new ones of vermin out of the very dust.' • The thing which has been, it is that which shall be ! How greatly might it profit the people if they would look back upon the demagogues who in other generations strutted their hour as lords of the ascendant, and were drawn in triumph by the deluded populace through the streets of London! Such a retrospect, beginning with Titus Oates and ending with Colonel Wardle, might teach the Londoners a little to distrust their own sagacity. The Turks preserve a saying of their prophet, ' If you are perplexed in your affairs, look for assistance from the inhabitants of The tombs but alas! for the multitude, the experience of their fathers is buried with them, and the lessons of history, dearly as they have been purchased, are in vain.

The invincible attachment which the French bear to their country is one of the best traits of the French character. No distance, no time, no wrongs, can diminish it. Wherever they may be placed, whatever injuries they may have sustained, though their property should have been confiscated, their family butchered, and themselves proscribed, we have seen that the honour of France was still dear to them; insomuch, that for this cause, the emigrants were often known to rejoice at victories which prolonged the time of their exile, and seemed to render it perpetual. In this respect they greatly excel us: for melancholy as it is to confess the dis.

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graceful fact, the English have less national feeling than any other people. It is notorious that the bitterest enemies of England in America, the writers who by their falsehoods and virulent invectives have most contributed to exasperate the Americans against Great Britain, are natives and subjects of this country, who with the feelings of renegades and traitors, hate the land in which they were born and bred. And well it is when this generation of vipers transport themselves : but too many of them remain at home to hiss and to sting. We talk of patriotism,—but no men ever possessed so little as our self styled patriots. They are ready at all times to impeach the motives and calumniate the measures of the government, labouring even, as far as they can, to obstruct its common and necessary operations. In times of war they go on from step to slep, pleading the enemy's cause with all the warmth and zeal of unfeed advocates, till they have identified their own feelings with his; and they pursue so precisely the course which is best suited to his interests, that he reckons their efforts among the circumstances that facilitate his success. In times of peace they join in any cry however senseless, take up any cause however frivolous or unjust, and follow any leader however worthless, desperate, or despicable, for the sake of annoying the government at least if they cannot succeed in inflicting upon it any serious injury. A spirit like this has never existed in any other country, unless it were Carthage ; and had it not been by the prevalence of such a spirit, Carthage perhaps might not have been overthrown,-for Hannibal, like Marlborough, had his worst enemies at home.

It may be neither uninteresting nor unprofitable to trace, if we can, the growth of a spirit by which England is so peculiarly characterized and disgraced, and to scek for the causes which have tended to combine so many persons against the best government in the world.

The wars between the rival houses of York and Lancaster, bloody as they were, and important in their political consequences, were of the same character as contested elections in the present day: the game was of the same kind, though the stake differed tremendously in magnitude ; men were engaged on either side from partyfeeling, or private and accidental circumstances, such as their connexions, or their birth-place-not from any public principle, or clear conception that their cause was right. And when the serocious struggle was terminated by the union of the two families, it is surprising how little animosity seems to have survived it. The religious disputes under llenry VIII. divided the nation in a diffe. rent manner, and produced a long train of consequences, which are acting at this hour, and the end of which no human foresight can discern. The first Reformers were possessed by a burning fiery

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zeal; they trampled under foot all personal considerations; the strongest human ties proved as weak as the green withs which Samson snapt asunder when he arose from his sleep : their comforts, their worldly wealth and prospects, their ailections, their liberty, their lives, were as dust and ashes compared to the kingdom of Heaven, on which their hearts were fixed, and which was ever present to their servent imagination. Impatient of restraint, and intolerant of all error or even difference of opinion, however harmless, they were equally ready to stand in triumph beside the stake as persecutors, or sing in the flames themselves triumphantly as martrys. The Catholics, on their part, were neither less sincere, nor less zealous: they saw distinctly the enormous present evil to which their antagonists shut their eyes, and the perilous consequences which those antagonists, perhaps, were incapable of seeing; but they were blind themselves to the corruptions and abominations which had provoked this destructive hostility. Both parties had their time-servers, who sought only to advance themselves in the confusion ; but the feelings of the great majority, as well as of the leading persons on both sides, were unalloyed with any baser motives, though all the fiercer passions were called into full play.

During the first heat and effervescence of this great revolution, the most momentous by which civilized society had ever, till then, been convulsed, the religious part of the question was exclusively regarded, but it was not long before its earthly relations were perceived, and the church of England had hardly been established by Elizabeth before theological opinions produced two political parties in the state, each mortally inimical to the other, but both hating the new church which stood at equal distance from either. The Catholics looked to Spain, hoping to recover their lost supremacy by the arms of a foreign power. Their hearts had ceased to be English when the government of England became heretical, and Burleigh tells us that Philip II. was even greatly beloved by them: his domestic tyranny, his persecution of the Jews in Spain, and his infernal cruelties in the Netherlands, excited in them neither shame nor indignation; the more formidable he was, the greater were their hopes; they looked to him, as the ultra-whigs of the present day have looked to Buonaparte, and in like manner forgave his insatiable ambition, his falsehoods, bis murders, and his massacres, because he was the enemy of their own government. The Puritans were not less disailected, but they were less treasonable, because they expected no foreign assistance, neither were they at this time so strong a party in themselves. It soon become apparent that they tended naturally toward republicanism; for certain it is, that monarchy and episcopary, the throne and the altar, are much more nearly connected than writers of bad laith, or little reflection,

have sought to persuade mankind. They who disregard all sanction of antiquity, who dissent from the institutions and abhor the ceremonies of their country, have proceeded far in denaturalizing themselves. Resistance, according to a memorable declaration of Mr. Fox, must always be considered by such men as a question of prudence; they are held to their allegiance by a cable of which only one weak strand is uncut,—when the first gale comes on it will part. Besides this insensible, but natural, inclination toward democracy, which arises from the principles of a popular church government, there was another cause why the current should set in that direction; it was only under commonwealths that the Puritans saw their beloved discipline flourish; the sufferance which it had obtained in France was one in opposition to the crown, and exposed to continual and imminent danger from its known enmity. At that time the elements of our constitution had not yet adjusted themselves; there was a fair external, but it was like a crust upon the chaos,

congestaque eodem Non bene junctarum discordia semina rerum, and these fermenting principles were in full activity within. The prince was for extending too far his undefined prerogative, and the people were equally disposed for pushing to extremes their undefined rights. Perhaps political causes would not have produced a civil war, if a religious ferment had not existed at the same time and combined with them,-as some diseases are known in a certain degree to be influenced by any endemic malady which happens to prevail, and thus to acquire a type more malignant than their own. The Puritans were intolerant, fanatical, insolent and seditious; on the other hand their opponents were equally bigoted, and they were imperious and cruel; but it should not be forgotten that they elearly understood the designs of the discontented, and that their foresight was fully confirmed by the sequel. Laud cut off the ears of his libellers; and as injuries of this kind are never repaid without large interest, when their day of triumph arrived they cut off his head. His journal was published for the sake of vilifying his character, but malice is as often deficient in judgment as in generosity, and it proved his best vindication. Time enough should not have elapsed for us to contemplate this part of our history with indifferent minds, neither extenuating the errors of one party, nor aggravating those of the other, but the memory of Laud is still pursued with calumny and insult.

Do not let us identify our own feelings too much with those of our forefathers. The rank among the nations which, by their valour, they have won for us, we are bound resolutely to maintain; the libertics which, by their virtues, they have bequeathed to us,

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