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in the rema
ohn Barnes, Town Major, and Civil and diaas bestaan
the Hon. Company's Services on the on the LOR
39. London. 1817. under the
St. Hélène d'une manière inconnue. was dome
vo. pp. 151. London. 1817. home, dezett
tini's publication and Montholon's Letstand in the
ble satisfaction.-- Whatever proves the vanced telur
He and his satellites is to us an additional the soldiers Ted Moutlet
the world. The ill humour of one man is
and when Buonaparte complains of the divine erste 16 the rear of the
we are satisfied that it is only because he
portunities of doing mischief essentially reE eighteen gir
indeed, that he should be so far deceived by But we have
owers or his own vanity as to imagine that his absurdities of a
any sympathy in this part of the world. He dered radici
wered the epitaph on his predecessor Robesto observe the so much time distinguished
, ne plaigne pas son sort,
vécu, tu serais mort. 18 indulged clerg
ve that there is one man in Europe who feels comprese ceeded episar
anal regard for the ex-Emperor : individually I because it
parties, at least in France. Talleyrand deposed such a change
Fayed him, De Staël and Constani libelled him, the only me
he moderate republicans feared him, Laine and
monarchists hated him; all his Marshals aban18 bytery. Best though their
In his own creatures deserted him ; Bertrand him. were plece
ransfer his allegiance to the King; and, what we principles
Buonaparte more than all the rest, his very cook
him to St. Helena.
y despised or hated as he may be, he is not on that church
ous. He is the representative of the Revolution
endant and heir of all the Neckers and Rolands, the mained might be
obespierres, the Tom Paynes and Anarcharsis Cloots, church za
hind Barrères, the llenriots and the Hoches. All that on the ca
ocobinism in Europe looks up to him as its child
1. The turbulent and disaffected of all nations, which retained be
times an inconsiderable number, but after such con. a baita
Europe has lately suffered, a very dangerous party, —
ards him he is
The cynosure of jaundiced eyes.'
er all the various classes and shades of turbulence may gst themselves, and however soon their differences might nto mutual violence, yet--for a season, and to overturn mon enemies, good order, legitimacy and religion--they
but they lost much of their zeal when they were no longer liable tə be disturbed by dragoons, sheriffs, and lieutenants of Militia.The old fable of the Traveller's Cloak was in time verified, and the fierce sanguinary zealots of the days of Claverhouse sunk into such quiet and peaceable enthusiasts as Howie of Lochgoin, or Old Mortality himself. It is, therefore, upon a race of sectaries who have long ceased to exist, that Mr. Jedediah Cleishbotham has charged all that is odious, and almost all that is ridiculous, in his fictitious narrative; and wecan vo more suppose any moderate presbyterian involved in the satire, than we should imagine that the character of Hampden stood committed by a little raillery on the person of Ludovic Claxton, the Muggletonian. If, however, there remain any of those sectaries who, confining the beams of the Gospel 10 the Goshen of their own obscure synagogue, and with James Mitchell, the intended assassin, giving their sweeping testimony against prelacy and popery, The Whole Duty of Man and bordles, promiscuous dancing and the Common Prayer-book, and all the other enormities and backslidings of the time, may perhaps be offended at this idle tale, we are afraid they will receive their answer in the tone of the revellers to Malvolio, who, it will be remembered, was something a kind of Puritan: Doest thou think because thou art virtuous, there shall be no more cakes and ale?Aye, by Saint Anne, and ginger will be hot in the mouth too.'
We intended here to conclude this long article, when a strong report reached us of certain transatlantic confessions, which, if genuine, (though of this we know nothing,) assign a different author to these volumes, than the party suspected by our Scottish correspondents. Yet a critic may be excused seizing upon the nearest suspicious person, on the principle happily expressed by Claverhouse. in a letter to the Earl of Linlithgow. He had been, it seems, in search of a gifted weaver, who used to hold forth at conventicles : • I sent to seek the webster, (weaver), they brought in his brother for him: though he may be cannot preach like his brother, I doubt not but he is as well principled as he, wherefore I thought it would be no great fault to give him the trouble to go jail with the rest.?
Art. IX.-1. An Appeal to the British Nation on the Treatment
experienced by Napoleon Buonaparle in the Island of St. Hele
na. By M. Santini, Porter of the Emperor's Closet.
de Montholon to Sir Hudson Lowe. Fourth Edition, with a
culars respecting the Arrival and Detention of Napoleon Buo
naparte. By Captain John Barnes, Town Major, and Civil and Military Surveyor in the Hon. Company's Services on the
Island. 12mo. pp. 239. London. 1817. 4. Manuscrit venu de St. Hélène d'une manière inconnue.
Troisième Edition. 8vo. pp. 151. London. 1817. WE
E have perused Santini's publication and Montholon's Let
ter with considerable satisfaction.-Whatever proves the discontent of Buonaparte and his satellites is to us an additional pledge for the peace of the world. The ill humour of one man is the security of millions ; and when Buonaparte complains of the treatment he receives, we are satisfied that it is only because he finds his means and opportunities of doing mischief essentially restricted. We wonder, indeed, that he should be so far deceived by the flattery of his followers or his own vanity as to imagine that his complaints would find any sympathy in this part of the world. He should have remembered the epitaph on his predecessor Robespierre,
Passant, ne plaigne pas son sort,
S'il eut vécu, tu serais mort. We do not believe that there is one man in Europe who feels the slightest personal regard for the ex-Emperor: individually he is odious to all parties, at least in France. Talleyrand deposed kim, Fouché betrayed him, De Staël and Constani libelled him, Lanjuinais and the moderate republicans feared him, Lainé and the constitutional monarchists hated him; all his Marshals abandoned him; even his own creatures deserted him ; Bertrand himself offered to transfer his allegiance to the King; and, what we believe affected Buonaparte more than all the rest, his very cook refused to follow him to St. Helena.
But personally despised or hated as he may be, he is not on that account innoxious. He is the representative of the Revolutionthe lineal descendant and heir of all the Neckers and Rolands, the Marats and Robespierres, the Tom Paynes and Anarcharsis Cloots, the Talliens and Barrères, the llenriots and the Hoches. All that survives of jocobinism in Europe looks up to him as its child and champion. The turbulent and disaffected of all nations, never in any times an inconsiderable number, but after such con. vulsions as Europe has lately suffered, a very dangerous party, all turn towards him he is
• The cynosure of jaundiced eyes.' And however all the various classes and shades of turbulence may differ amongst themselves, and however soon theirdifferences might burst out into mutual violence, yet for a season, and to overturn their common enemies, good order, legitimacy and religion-they
would cordially and unanimously unite under the tri-coloured banner of Buonaparte: the authors of the Political Register and the Nain Jaune would coalesce, and Spafields and the Fauxbourg St. Antoine would renew the alliance which existed twenty years ago between Copenhagen-house and the Jacobin Club.
These are causes which now give importance to Buonaparte ; and when we see that he himself still dreams of being an emperor, and endeavours, by all the means with which intrigue or accident can supply him, to keep alive the criminal expectations to which we have alluded, we feel it to be our duty to expose the danger of his pretensions, the magnitude of the object he has in view, and the fraud and falsehood which he employs to attain it.
We think we shall be able to satisfy our readers that, instead of any relaxation of the already too loose custody in which Buonaparte is held, some further restrictions should be imposed. Does any man alive think that the ordinary parole of a prisoner of war would restrain Buonaparte, or that for him there can be any tie of honour or gratitude ? He never possessed these qualities himself, and always discountenanced them in others. The chosen of his heart were men of the most infamous character; and Lefebre Des. nouettes, we all know, was overwhelmed with his favour and associated to his intimate society, for no other reason than that he had broken his parole of honour to this country.
When Buonaparte was first deposedat Fontainebleau in 1814, we rather desired than hoped that he might be brought to justice. The alliances and treaties which he had made from time to time with the Emperors of Russia and Austria appeared to justify a certain degree of deviation from the strict rule of retribution which might have been applied to an usurper-but while his life was spared, his power should have been put to death. Stripped of the titles and rank to which he had waded through seas of blood, he should have considered himself fortunate in being permitted to expiate in a close and safe, if not rigorous, confinement, the injuries he had inflicted on the world. Such an arrangement would have met, at that moment, we believe, universal concurrence; and we are confident that no public act of these latter days ever filled Europe with so much astonishment and disgust as that joint production of weakness and vanity, the treaty of Fontainebleau; which continued to Buonaparte not only a titular but a territorial sovereignty; which revived and encouraged the revolutionary spirit then about to expire under the arms of allied Europe, and to which nothing but this lamentable treaty could have given the vivacity and force in which we now see and feel it.
Instead, however, of a close imprisonment, such as he (wisely for his bad purposes) had inflicted upon others, he received, by
this treaty, the guarantee of every thing which good taste or common sense (to say nothing of retributive justice) should have de. nied him.
Let us recall to our readers' recollection some of its principal provisions.
Ist. He is permitted to treat as an equal with the Emperors of Russia and Austria, and the King of Prussia; and his name is even allowed to precede theirs in the enumeration of the contracting parties.
2d. After the defeat of his armies, the capture of his capital, the disavowal of his power by the French nation itself, Buonaparte is permitted to renounce for himself and his descendants the ihrone of St. Louis: this was an admission that, though no longer de facto sovereign of France, (for the senate and people had deposed him on the 2d April, 1814, and this treaty is dated the 11th,) he was so de jure, and had therefore a right to dispose of the crown: for it is plain, that he who has a free right to renounce, has also, if he will, a free right to retain.
3d. He and his second wife are not only to keep their titles as long as they live, but his mother, dame Letzia Raniolini; bis brothers, Mr. Joseph, Mr. Louis, Mr. Jerome Buonaparte; his sisters, the widow Le Clerc, Mrs. Bacciochi, and tutti quanti, are to preserve, in all circumstances, the rank and titles of the imperial family.
4. The Emperor Napoleon chooses the island of Elba for his residence, as a separate and sovereign principality. This article ex. ceeds all the rest-before this, the treaty only acknowledges Buonaparte as rightful monarch of France; but here he seems to be the Sovereign of Europe, selecting out of the vast possessions which he condescends to renounce, an island which did not belong to France, and creating it, by his posthumous power, into a sovereign state.
5. But, as he was so modest as to choose an island, whose revenues does not exceed 20,0001. a year, he retains for himself a portion of the revenues of France, to the annual amount of 200,0001., and for the princes and princesses of his august family, a further sum of 350,0001. Thus, without the consent of the French nation, without the concurrence of the French King, their Majesties the Emperors Napolione, Francis, and Alexander, and the King of Prussia, dispose of above half a million perannum of the revenues of France. This goes still farther to prove that Napolione was considered not as the late, nor merely the then sovereign of France, but as having claims and powers which extended over the future; for, it couldonly be by the authority of Napolione that France was required to pay the said sum during the life of the said Napolione and his wife and family, and for such payment, this expression of the will of the said Napolione was to be the King of France's sufficient warrant.