works, breastworks, and entrenchments, to their citadel. There they paused and considered and deliberated. The heads of Hutchinson and Dalrymple were laid together in whispers for a long time; when the whispering ceased, a long and solemn pause ensued, extremely painful to an impatient, expecting audience. Hutchinson, in time, broke silence; he had consulted with Colonel Dalrymple, and the Colonel had authorized him to say, that he might order one regiment down to the castle, if that would satisfy the peo'ple. With a self-recollection, a self-possession, a self-command, a presence of mind that was admired by every man present, Samuel Adams arose with an air of dignity and majesty, of which he was sometimes capable, stretched forth his arm, though even then quivering with palsy, and with an harmonious voice and decisive tone said, "If the Lieutenant-Governor or Colonel Dalrymple, or both together, have authority to remove one regiment, they have authority to remove two, and nothing short of the total evacuation of the town by all the regular troops, will satisfy the public mind or preserve the peace of the province." These few words thrilled through the veins of every man in the audience, and produced the great result. After a little awkward hesitation, it was agreed that the town should be evacuated, and both regiments sent to the castle. . . . The painter should seize upon the critical mo ment, when Samuel Adams stretched out his arm, and made his last speech. It will be as difficult to do justice as to paint an Apollo; and the transaction deserves to be painted as much as the surrender of Burgoyne. Whether any artist will ever attempt it, I know not. Charles Francis Adams, Works of John Adams (Boston, 1856), X. 249-253. 10. Committees of Correspondence By BOSTON TOWN MEETING (Written by John Adams) (See note above, p. 315.) YET the brave Bostonians, nothing daunted, with but a single dissenting voice, adopted the following resolution: "Voted, that the committee of correspondence be enjoined forthwith to write to all the other colonies, acquainting them that we are not idle; that we are deliberating upon the steps to be taken on the present exigencies of our public affairs; that our brethren, the landed interest of this province, with an unexampled spirit and unanimity, are entering into a non-consumption agreement; and that we are waiting, with anxious expectation, for the result of a continental congress, whose meeting we impatiently desire, in whose wisdom and firmness we can confide, and in whose determination we shall cheerfully acqui Charles Francis Adams, Works of John Adams (Boston, 1856), I. 147. II. How to Hold the Colonies (1771) By CHARLES D'AVENANT A dramatist, member of Parliament, and keen writer on politics. COLONIES are a strength to their mother kingdom, while they are under good discipline, while they are strictly made to observe the fundamental laws of their original country, and while they are kept dependent on it. But otherwise, they are worse than members lopped from the body politic, being indeed like offensive arms wrested from a nation, to be turned against it as occasion shall serve. Not that we think the greatness these colonies may arrive at in a natural course, and in the progress of time, can be dangerous to England. To build ships in the way of trade, or for their own defence can administer no true cause of jealousy. There is much difference between letting them be in a condition to defend themselves, and rendering them a kind of staple for naval stores, which can be hardly politic, and perhaps very bad husbandry; but to prove this last assertion would launch us out into an argument too tedious for this Discourse. Wise countries never teach their colonies the art of war; if they need it not to oppose their neighbours, it is better they should be without it; and if it be necessary to them, they will learn it of themselves. When colonies are near, it is best they should be protected by the force and arms of their mother country; but when they are very remote, they may be allowed arms and shipping for their own protection. And, generally speaking, our colonies while they have English blood in their veins, and have relations in England, and while they can get by trading with us, the stronger and greater they grow, the more this crown and kingdom will get by them; and nothing but such an arbitrary power as shall make them desperate, can bring them to rebel.... It is true, if in New-England, or in other parts there, they should pretend to set up manufactures, and to clothe, as well as feed their neighbours, their nearness and low price would give them such advantages over this nation, as might prove of pernicious consequence; but this fear seems very remote, because new inhabitants, especially in a large extent of country, find their account better in rearing cattle, tilling the earth, clearing it of woods, making fences, and by erecting necessary buildings, than in setting up of manufactures, which is the last work of a people settled 3 or 400 years, growing numerous, and wanting territory. And, as the case stands, it seems reasonable to think, that the northern colonies are a help to the southward planters, as their frugality and temperance of living, is a counterpoise to the excess and luxury with which a rich soil, easy acquisition of wealth, and a warm climate, has infected the southern inhabitants. . . . It is true, they more enlarged their dominions by conquest than by any arts of peace; however, those numbers which their wars continually wasted, could never have been supplied, if they hadnot been a sober and temperate people, whereby they became long-lived, and fitter for propagation. And to the sobriety and temperate way of living, practised by the dissenters retired to America, we may justly attribute the encrease they have made there of inhabitants, which is beyond the usual proportion to be any where else observed. The supplies from hence do by no means answer their present numbers; it must then follow that their thrift, and regular manner of living, |