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demands it. For the cautions with which power is distributed among the several orders, imply, that each has that share which is proper for the general welfare, and therefore that any further [58] acquisition must be pernicious.

Two reasons induce me to desire, that this spirit of apprehension may be always kept up among us, in its utmost vigilance. The first is this—that as the happiness of these provinces indubitably consists in their connection with Great-Britain, any separation between them is less likely to be occasioned by civil discords, if every disgusting measure is opposed singly, and while it is new: For in this manner of proceeding, every such measure is most likely to be rectified. .

Indeed nations, in general, are not apt to think until they feel; and therefore nations in general have lost their liberty: For as violations of the rights of the governed, are commonly not only specious, [60] but small at the beginning, they spread over the multitude in such a manner, as to touch individuals but slightly. Thus they are disregarded. The power or profit that arises from these violations, centering in few persons, is to them considerable. For this reason the governors having in view their particular purposes, successively preserve an uniformity of conduct for attaining them. For millions entertain no other idea of the legality of power,

John Dickinson and Arthur Lee than that it is founded on the exercise of power. They voluntarily fasten their chains, by adopting a pusillanimous opinion, “that there will be too much danger in attempting a remedy,"—or another opinion no less fatal,—"that the government has a right to treat them as it does.” They then seek a wretched relief for their minds, by persuading themselves, that to yield their obedience, is to discharge their duty. The deplorable poverty of spirit, that prostrates all the dignity bestowed by Divine Providence on our natureof course succeeds.

J. Dickinson, Writings (Philadelphia, 1895), I. 271278, 386-390 passim.


“Join Hand in Hand” (1768)


(See note above, p. 291.)


To the Ture of "Hearts of Oak," &c. Come, join hand in hand, brave Americans all, And rouse your bold hearts at fair Liberty's

call : No tryannous act shall suppress your just

claim, Or stain with dishonour America's name.

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In freedom we're born, and in freedom we'll

Our purses are ready-

Steady, friends, steady ;-
Not as slaves, but as freemen our money

we'll give.

Our worthy forefathers (let's give them a cheer)
To climates unknown did courageously steer;
Through oceans to deserts for freedom they came,
And, dying, bequeath'd us their freedom and

In freedom we're born, &c.

Their generous bosoms all dangers despised,
So highly, so wisely their birthrights they prized;
We'll keep what they gave, we will piously keep,
Nor frustrate their toils on the land and the deep.

In freedom we're born, &c.

The tree their own hands had to Liberty rear'd,
They lived to behold growing strong and revered,
With transport then cried, “Now our wishes we

For our children shall gather the fruits of our


In freedom we're born, &c.

How sweet are the labours that freemen endure,
That they shall enjoy all the profit secure-

John Dickinson and Arthur Lee No more such sweet labours Americans know If Britons shall reap what Americans sow.

In freedom we're born, &c.

Swarms of placemen and pensioners soon will

appear, Like locusts deforming the charms of the year; Suns vainly will rise, showers vainly descend, If we are to drudge for what others shall spend.

In freedom we're born, &c.

Then join hand in hand, brave Americans all,
By uniting, we stand, by dividing, we fall;
In so righteous a cause let us hope to succeed
For Heaven approves of each generous deed.

In freedom we're born, &c.

All ages shall speak with amaze and applause
Of the courage we'll show in support of our laws;
To die we can bear, but to serve we disdain,
For shame is to freemen more dreadful than pain.

In freedom we're born, &c.

This bumper I crown for our sovereign's health,
And this for Britannia's glory and wealth;
That wealth and that glory immortal may be,
If she is but just, and if we are but free.

In freedom we're born, &c.
Duyckinck, Cyclopedia of American Literature (N.
Y., 1855), I. 435.

The Constitution of America



(Drafted by Samuel Adams)

(See note above, p. 268.)

THE fundamental rules of the constitution are the grand security of all British subjects; and it is a security which they are all equally entitled to, in all parts of his Majesty's extended dominions. The supreme legislative, in every free state, derives its power from the constitution; by the fundamental rules of which, it is bounded and circumscribed. As a legislative power is essentially requisite, where any powers of government are exercised, it is conceived, the several legislative bodies in America were erected, because their existence, and the free exercise of their power, within their several limits, are essentially important and necessary, to preserve to his Majesty's subjects in America, the advantages of the fundamental laws of the constitution.

When we mention the rights of the subjects in America, and the interest we have in the British constitution, in common with all other British subjects, we cannot justly be suspected of the most distant thought of an independency on

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