on which Burke said, no one laments Mr. Fox's illness more than I do; and I declare, if he should continue ill, the inquiry into the conduct of the First Lord of the Admiralty should not be proceeded upon; and even should the country suffer so serious a calamity as his death, it ought to be followed up earnestly and solemnly; nay, of so much consequence is the inquiry to the public, that no bad use would be made of the skin of his departed friend, should such be his fate, if, like that of John Zisca, it should be converted into a drum, and used for the purpose of sounding an alarm to the people of England.'

February 7, 1782, Mr. Fox began his attack on the Ministry, by moving accusations against Lord Sandwich, under five several heads, which he summed up as the ground of a resolution declaratory of mismanagement in naval affairs. Burke supported the motion; and though it was negatived, the majority was so small as to render it probable that Ministers could not much longer

stand their ground. February 22d, General Conway made a motion for addressing his Majesty to put an end to the American War. Burke supported this motion by all his powers of humour and of serious reasoning. It was lost by a majority of only one. February 27th, General Conway put the motion in a different form, and carried it by a majority of nineteen. The country gentlemen now joined Opposition. Lord John Cavendish made a motion, declaring that the house could no longer repose confidence in the Ministry, which was at first rejected by a small majority; but a few days after, a similar motion was made, on which Lord North rose, and declared that he was no longer Minister. A new Administration was formed, of which the Marquis of Rockingham was the nominal head and Mr. Fox the real. Burke was appointed Paymaster-General.

Thus have we seen Burke steadily and vigorously endeavouring, first, to prevent the contest with America; then to end the war, and to have its supporters deprived of

those offices in which they appear to him to follow counsels pernicious to his country. We have seen him display knowledge and wisdom equal to any which a statesman or senator ever exerted. We see the great philosopher, thoroughly acquainted with every particular and general truth, applying the most profound knowledge of the human mind and extensive views of particular. and general history to the conduct of affairs. On every general question we see the sage, but on questions respecting particular men we frequently see the partizan. Burke, in whatever he engaged, engaged warmly. It is indeed difficult, if not impossible, for any man to associate with a set of men, whom he esteems and respects, without often adopting views and opinions merely as theirs. The longer one is connected with a party, the more implicitly does he embrace their notions, unless they should go to a length, on either the one side or the other, to awaken his reflection, and RECALL THE IMPARTIAL EXERCISE OF HIS JUDGMENF. Burke, in the progress of the opposition to the American war, became

almost a thorough party-man. We find him frequently supporting whatever motions any of the Opposition members made, with all the zeal that could have inspired him from conviction and mature reflection. He cherished the children of his adoption with as warm affection as if they had been begotten by himself. Besides the general influence of party sympathy operating on a mind of the most lively susceptibility, there were special circumstances in that party which rendered the influence of the sympathy still more powerful. No man can be more completely adapted for captivating the minds of those with whom he has frequent intercourse, than Mr. Fox. His manners are so open, frank, and engaging; his deportment is so unassuming; he bears his great qualities so meekly about him; he appears so little conscious of his immense superiority over ordinary men; he is so attentive to the gratification of his friends, and indeed to the diffusion of happiness, that he never fails to win the love of all with whom he converses. I do not mention this as a praise to Mr. Fox.

A power of commanding affection, and so influencing action, may be certainly advantageous to the possessor himself, and to those within the sphere of his influence: but it is advantageous to others, and its exertion meritorious to himself, according to its objects. The influence which Fox has obtained over many is or is not useful, according to its direction to their real welfare and happiness, or the contrary. However that may be, it is a certain fact, that those with whom he bas been embarked have regarded him with an affection much beyond mere party politics. Those are, of all, the most attached to him, who, possessing great abilities themselves, can form the most adequate idea of his powers. Burke admired and loved Fox; and though possessing powers of discernment which even Fox himself did not exceed, became, as the American war advanced, as he grew more and more connected with Fox, a more and more implicit supporter of the measures which that statesman proposed, either for himself or as the mouth of a party.

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