Crawford served as Secretary of the Trea- | monious party strife, consequent on the exsury during the entire period of Monroe's tinction of the Federal party, and the dispresidency. We can add nothing to what memberment of the original Democratic Mr. Dudley has so well said of this period party, rendered it unnecessary to assume of his career, and shall therefore dismiss this any distinctive appellation. Still they acted branch of the subject by quoting that gen- steadily together, in opposition alike to the tleman's language:extremes of Federalism and of Democracy, respectively represented on the floor of Con"Much of the period during which Mr. Crawford gress by Rufus King and John Randolph; acted as Secretary of the Treasury," says Mr. Dud- and the great American system progressed ley, "times were very doubtful; our domestic relations embarrassed, pecuniary difficulties pressing gradually to a happy consummation. There upon the people, home and foreign commerce fluc- was a vitality and an energy then discernible tuating commercial capital deranged, a public in the legislation of Congress, which diffused debt to be managed, and, above all, a miserably life and spirit into all departments of busidepreciated and ruined currency had to be dealt ness. The nation looked to its government with. The political essayists of those days agreed that it required ceaseless vigilance and profound for proper encouragement and relief under ability to preserve the national estate from bank- the yet depressing influences of the war, and ruptcy. But the public credit was never better at soon the whole country smiled with prosany period of the republic than during his administration of the affairs of the Treasury. The perity, and gave token of speedy release national debt was faithfully discharged, and the from the thraldom of cramped legislation. burdens of government upon the people were light The spirit of the age brooked no fastidious and inconsiderable. At the time of the greatest obstruction. Even when the Executive difficulty the estimated and actual receipts of the halted and wavered, the majority of ConTreasury only varied ten per cent., while the estimates of his distinguished predecessors had varied gress came off victorious from every trial of The black clouds from seventeen to twenty-four per cent. But the strength between them. best evidence of his fidelity, zeal, and ability as a arising from the Missouri question, in 1820, Cabinet officer in this department, was the length shed a passing gloom over the bright prosof time he served; the unbounded confidence re-pect; but patriotism triumphed over fanatiposed in him by Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, during the whole period of his service; the great interest manifested for his retention in that office by Mr. Gallatin, and Mr. J. Q. Adams' opinion of his merit, as evinced in his tendering him that office during his administration. Such men are rarely deceived in their estimate of character and qualifications." An almost unnatural lull in political strife followed on the election of Monroe, and party dissensions and animosities ceased to disturb the course of legislation for many years. The President himself owned no distinctive party creed. A majority of his Cabinet were Republicans, though not allied with the Jeffersonian or Democratic school, further than by association. The Secretary of the Navy rather inclined to the Federal tenets, while Mr. Calhoun inclined to the Democratic, though his course of action in Congress had been widely variant from the ascetic teachings of that sect. In both houses of Congress, the Republicans of the Crawford school of politics were in a decided majority, controlled the legislation of the country, and were under the lead of Henry Clay. They were not then, nor for many years afterward, known by the name or appellation of Whigs. The absence of all acri cism, though not without an unwary sacrifice. The internal health of the country otherwise was never so great; and it is a fact worthy of notice, that this very period, when genuine Whig policy and principles were decidedly in the ascendent, is now looked back to by all parties as the age of good feeling and of golden times. But the elements of strife were not long wanting. The great Presidential contest of 1824 afforded ample material with which to reconstruct a system of party warfare, although it is remarkable that no solitary political principle was involved in the contest. There was no attempt to keep up, but every effort to keep down, old party organizations. The Federal party, as we have already remarked, had been extinguished. The Democratic party had been dismembered. It had become rude and unfashionable to couple the name of Federalist with that of any gentleman. A Democrat was considered no better than a Jacobin. The words were never heard in political circles. It was almost impossible to draw a line of distinction between the aspiring politicians, or to set up any distinctive party standard by which to judge their opinions. Old mea sures and the divisions they had occasioned | identified the American name and nation New measures, under with his own strong and heroic character, were not then known to the nation. His only claim to office was based upon the victory of New-Orleans; and this alone made him formidable, and gave him a decided advantage over his three competitors. had passed away. his known liberal opinions. These, considering themselves as the true standards of genuine Republican orthodoxy, insisted on assembling a caucus, although they were seriously opposed. They would not listen, when reminded that, Federalism having long ceased an organized opposition, such a course was not now necessary to secure the ascend With such fearful odds against them, the friends of the other candidates sought now to make favor with the people, by endeavoring to prove each that their candidate was, It will readily suggest itself to every mind par excellence, the true Republican candidate. that a contest for the Presidency under such Crawford's partisans did not stop at this. circumstances would be resolved wholly into They sought to obtain a more thorough ada contest of mere personal preference among vantage by procuring for him a regular cauthe people. The original candidates were cus nomination, according to the ancient John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford, usages of the party. It is to be remarked, John C. Calhoun, and Henry Clay. There in this connection, that Crawford numbered being no party differences between them, the in the ranks of his followers a greater prostrife became one of a peculiarly fierce and portion of the old Jeffersonian Democrats acrimonious character. It was soon exas-than either Adams or Clay, notwithstanding perated and rendered more furious by the unexpected and unwelcome appearance of a fifth competitor, in the person of an illustrious military chieftain, whose hot temperament and passionate energies were not likely to soften the asperity of the contest. This was Andrew Jackson. His appearance on the field was at once productive of two most important events. It caused the prompt with-ency of the Republican party. They grew drawal of Calhoun, who became the candi- intolerant when told that such a resort to date for Vice-President on the Jackson ticket, party machinery, in the absence of all the and materially weakened the prospects of higher motives for combination, was the eviHenry Clay, by dividing the preferences of dence of an endeavor only to subserve the the West. Jackson had been a senator and purposes of faction, and to give an undue representative in Congress, but had not taken advantage where none was really deserved. even a respectable stand as a politician. It They persisted in their resolve, and called was quite common to ridicule his aspirations together their caucus, on the 14th of Febfor the Presidency as being mere mockery. ruary. The movement resulted in an entire His nomination was generally considered too failure. Out of two hundred and sixty-one absurd to have been made in good faith. It members of Congress, only sixty-four atwould not at first be credited that a man tended the meeting in person, and there notoriously deficient in education, so unin- were two proxies. Crawford, of course, reformed as to the duties of a civilian as to ceived the nomination. Sixty-four out of have resigned several offices with the frank the sixty-six votes were cast for his name; admission of incompetency, fonder of sport but more than half of these were from Virthan of study, and whose training had been ginia, Georgia, and New-York. No one mainly in the camp or on the frontier, would will contend that such a nomination was be seriously urged for the first office in the entitled to any great authority or weight. Republic, on the single merit of one fortunate It could scarcely make pretension to even battle. Those great qualities of mind, or full and fair party organization, much less rather of will, which afterwards made him to nationality. But its contrivers claimed the most popular and powerful ruler that for it all these, proclaimed it as the regular ever wore the executive mantle, which com- nomination, and invoked all true Republimanded the worship of his friends and the cans to respect and sustain it as such. The admiration of his opponents, and which I responses, however, were far from equaling their expectations; and we think that it was equally popular. But in New-York the will now be readily conceded that the move- result was very different, and the caucus met ment rather injured than benefited Craw- with decided opposition, notwithstanding the ford's prospects for the Presidency. It is efforts and influence of Martin Van Buren. certain that many of his devoted and confi- Van Buren was considered one of the most dential friends inclined to such opinion, and dexterous party managers of that day and among others, one whose letters now lie be- time. His success with the people of Newfore us, written at the time of which they York caused him to be regarded with deep speak. This was Thomas W. Cobb, then interest by the various candidates for the one of the senators from Georgia. He was Presidency. He was at first understood to recognized as the most intimate and favored own some preference for Adams, but his final of Crawford's personal associates, and was decision was in favor of Crawford. There bound to him by every tie of admiration and was much and varied conjecture in connecgratitude. He was attached to Crawford's tion with this decision at the time, even party not only from principle, but from af- among the political friends of the parties. fection for its head. From the time of Crawford had a comprehensive and sagaCrawford's nomination to the day when de- [cious eye, and could read men with as much feat and disease consigned him to premature accuracy as most other politicians. Being retirement, Cobb embarked in his cause with at the head of a dominant and powerful a zeal that never flagged or abated, and party in Georgia, he resolved upon a stroke pressed his claims with almost frantic fervor. of policy which, unseemly as it might and He mourned his overthrow with a grief more did appear even to his own friends, it was akin to personal devotion than political at- hoped might win to his support the great tachment; and imbibing, doubtless from State of New-York. This was none other this cause, a settled distaste for public life, than the nomination of Van Buren for the soon afterwards threw up his senatorial Vice-Presidency by the State of Georgia. commission, and retired with his friend to The project was no sooner made known the quiet of private life. than carried out, for Crawford's wish was It is clear, from the tenor of this gentle-law to his party in that State. The nominaman's letters, that the Crawford caucus had not been followed by such auspicious demonstrations as hope had flattered his friends to expect. He now writes to one of his friends, Dr. Meriwether, that the caucus had not been productive of very favorable manifestations. In fact, this movement seems to have drawn down upon the Crawford party the concentrated and increased bitterness of both the Clay and Calhoun factions, while it gained them no additional strength among the partisans of Adams. Notwithstanding that Calhoun had openly declined for the Presidency, the newspapers favorable to his election still kept his name up in connection with that office, with the evident intention, as Cobb writes, to prevent his supporters from going over to Crawford ere the coalition with Jackson had been definitely effected. The caucus movement was received with approbation only in the States of Virginia and Georgia. North Carolina was not so decided, though Macon's influence in that State was considered sufficient to secure its vote. There had never been, even before the caucus, any doubts as to the preference of Georgia for Crawford. In Virginia he tion was made reluctantly by the Crawford majority to the Senate, and a fierce contest now ensued. The people were clamorous to take into their own hands the election of President. Consequently, a bill to that effect passed the lower house, with only a few dissenting voices. The Senate promptly rejected ous and indecent satire. He was designated on them as "Blue Whisky Van," "Little Van," "Vice-President Van," and many other nicknames, far more disgraceful to the perpetrators than disparaging to Van Buren. It proved to be the more disgraceful to them from the fact that, in a few years subse-it, when sent up for its concurrence. Scenes quently, the caricaturists and satirists turned to be the cringing partisans of him they had thus assaulted. point. The manifestations against Crawford had been too decided; and when the nominations were made by the Legislature, he sustained a signal and crushing overthrow. of the most intense and rabid excitement followed, in the midst of which the Legislature adjourned. Popular resentment rose But the policy (whether intended as mere to a resistless height, and the Governor repolicy or a legitimate party manoeuvre) did convoked the Legislature, with a view that not succeed. The nomination of Georgia the will of the people might be expressed for the Vice-Presidency met with no response. and executed. But the same scene was reNew-York proved obdurate and refractory, enacted with the same result. The Senate and showed signs of wavering between again defeated the bill, and before any thing Adams and Clay. The Crawford party was done to meet the popular demand, grew desperate, and began bitterly to accuse another and final adjournment occurred. In and denounce Henry Clay. Macon, Cobb, the end, however, the people carried their and others laid to his charge all the injuries and reverses they had sustained in NewYork. But Van Buren did not despair of carrying the State so soon as his party friends. He was not one to give up without first using serious and zealous efforts to effect the object in view. "If we can get NewYork," said Cobb, "we shall then be sure of Connecticut, New-Jersey, and Rhode Island. Without New-York, we are lost." This opinion was known to Van Buren, and tending, of course, to confirm him in the like view, he went to work to secure the desired object with an earnestness and adroitness that had seldom failed of success before. There is no question but that personal attachment to Crawford, as well as the usual allowance of political ambition, influenced Van Buren on this occasion. He had long admired Crawford, and now, in the hour of trial, when his enemies were about to triumph over his defeat, the noble exertions and eminent ability he brought to bear in the endeavor to save and secure the election of his favorite, must ever excite a kind remembrance in the bosoms of Crawford's family and friends. His efforts, at one time, had come very near the point of success. He had now found out that Crawford was clearly not the choice of the people of New-York. Up to this period, the electors for President in New-York had been nominated by the Legislature; and it was in the Legislature that Van Buren and his party, certain of defeat before the people, now determined to take refuge. The majority of the House of Representatives was against Crawford. His friends carried a This result abundantly foreshadowed the grand finale, so far as Crawford was concerned, especially when taken in connection with another untoward event which occurred during the canvass, and which put a final extinguisher on his chances for election. This event was a sudden and violent attack of paralysis, which deprived him for a time of his speech, his sight, and the use of some of his limbs, and which so shocked his whole nervous system as seriously to impair his memory and to obscure his intellect. This sad news effectually depressed the spirits of his friends, whilst it raised the hopes of his enemies. He was forced, in consequence of this affliction, to give up the business of his office, ceased to appear in public or to receive any but select company, and was removed to a delightful cottage in the vicinity of Washington, in the vain but fond hope that the quiet of rural life and the purer breath of the country air might induce a speedy convalescence. But that hope was never fully gratified. After a struggle of many months, his speech, to a great extent, was restored; he regained the use of his limbs, and his vision was slightly improved. But the great intellect which had once controlled the opinions of a nation, and had made his name famous wherever that nation was known, had been blighted to a degree which human skill could not reach, and was never again to return with its original strength and lustre. The extreme illness of Crawford was not generally known, and the canvass was carried on with unabated warmth. There being four candidates in the field, it was soon ascertained that there could be no election by the people. Adams and Jackson ran ahead, but for a considerable time it seemed to be uncertain whether, under the constitutional provision, Clay or Crawford would get to be the third candidate before the House of Representatives. The State of Louisiana held the die, and the friends of Clay confidently expected that it would be thrown in his favor. But their calculations were not verified. Jackson and New-Orleans were associated by a common glorious link, and the memory of his great victory turned fortune in his favor, at the very moment that the die was cast. He obtained a majority of her electoral vote, and Clay was thus thrown out of the contest. This left a small balance in favor of Crawford, who now went into the House of Representatives with an electoral vote nearly two thirds less than that of Jackson, and not quite one half that of Adams. In December, 1824, Congress met. Washington was the scene of an intense excitement, growing out of the pending election for President, and scarcely a day passed that some new phase of the contest did not occur, or that a new political trump was not turned up. But the excitement was of a strictly legitimate character. No threats of violence by force of arms were resorted to, as in 1801, during a similar contest between Burr and Jefferson, when it was proclaimed, on the authority of Jefferson himself, that, in case the House should defeat his election, "the Middle States would arm." Such seditious, jacobinal sentiments would not have been tolerated at the time in question. But there was not less of anxiety or of interest. The friends of all three candidates were alike energetic, and the movements of each party were watched and sifted with sleepless jealousy. Not a step could be taken, nor a proposal made by one, that was not immediately traced and rebutted by the others. Nor was the excitement confined to the members of Congress. Every citizen of Washington was an electioneerer for the one party or the other in some shape, and every visitor within its walls was an active, working partisan. The hotels were only so many caucus or club-rooms, in which to plan and direct the various schemes of party procedure. The drawing-rooms were thronged alike with the votaries of fashion and the satellites of the different champions; nor were these limited to the sterner sex. The theatre was monopolized by one particular set of partisans in regular turn, as the most proper place for a public demonstration; but the artificial representations of the stage flagged and faded before the real exhibitions of the political drama. The legislative business of Congress received little or no attention. The members thought about nothing, talked about nothing, and wrote home about nothing but the Presidential election. Calculations were tortured by each party into results suited to their own prospects of success. A letter written by Cobb about the middle of January, to a friend in Georgia, affords a striking illustration of these illusory calculations; and being a legitimate link in the history of its time, we shall quote from it at some length, for the reader's satisfaction :— with us. "Doubtless, in common with others, you feel the greatest anxiety about the Presidential election Recently, few changes have been manifested on that subject. Every thing has depended, and does depend, on the course which the Western States friendly to Mr. Clay may take. Should is not desperate. It is impossible to decide with they join us, even to the number of two, the game certainty whether they will do so. Their conduct has been extremely mysterious and doubtful. At one time, they led us to believe they would unite days ago we received the news that the Kentucky At another, they are antipodal. Two Legislature had instructed their representatives to vote for Jackson. This information has brought out five of them, who will do so; the others (seven) have not yet declared. Ohio is divided, but this morning I have the positive declaration of one of their most honest and intelligent members, that they have determined not to vote for Jackson. But it is not settled how they will go between Crawford and Adams. The objections made by have their root in the state of Crawford's health; those friendly to us in both Kentucky and Ohio and as an honest man I am bound to admit that, although daily improving, it affords cause for objection. He is very fat, but his speech and vision are imperfect, and the paralysis of his hand coneye is so improved that he sees well enough to tinues. His speech improves slowly. His right play whist as well as an old man without spectacles. His hand also gets stronger. Yet defect in all these members is but too evident. My brotherin-law, Mr. Scott, has not positively promised to support him, but I think he has made up his mind to do so. So also do I think of Mr. Rankin. If, however, I am deceived in all these calculations, |