M. A. & S. ROOT'S DAGUERREOTYPE PORTRAITS AND FAMILY GROUPS. EIGHT FIRST PREMIUMS-SILVER MEDALS Awarded at the Great Fairs in Boston, New-York, and Philadelphia, CAN BE SEEN AT M. A. & S. ROOT'S GALLERIES, 363 Broadway, cor. Franklin st., N. Y., & 140 Chestnut st., Phila. ADMISSION FREE TO ALL. THE MESSES. ROOT having yielded to the many urgent solicitations of their numerous friends to establish a branch of their CELEBRATED DAGUERREOTYPE GALLERY in this city, have been engaged for some time past in fitting up an ELEGANT SUITE OF ROOMS AT 363 BROADWAY COR. FRANKLIN ST., where they shall be most happy to see all their numerous friends, as also strangers and citizens generally. The acknowledged high character this celebrated establishment has acquired for its pictures, and the progressive improvements made in the art, we trust, will be fully sustained, as cach department at this branch is conducted by some of the same experienced and skilful artists that have been connected with it from the commencement. The pictures taken at this establishment are pronounced by artists and scientific men unrivalled for depth of tone and softness of light and shade, while they display all the artistic arrangement of the highest effort of the Painter. Citizens and strangers visiting the Gallery can have their miniatures or portraits taken in this unique style, and neatly set in Morocco Cases, Gold Lockets or Breastpins, Rings, &c., in a few minutes. Heretofore an almost insurmountable obstacle has presented itself to the production of family likenesses, in regard to children. The Messrs. Root are happy to state that through an entirely new discovery of theirs, this difficulty has been overcome, as the time of sitting will not exceed two or three seconds in fair, or ten to fifteen seconds in cloudy weather. N.B.-LADIES are recommended to dress in figured or dark materials, avoiding whites or light blues. A shawl or scarf gives a pleasing effect to the picture. FOR GENTLEMEN-A black or figured vest; also figured scarf or cravat, so that the bosom be not too much exposed. FOR CHILDREN.-Plaid, striped or figured dresses, lace work. Ringlets add much to the beauty of the picture. The best hour for Children is from 11 A. M. to 2 P. M. All others from 8 A. M. to 6 P. M. Jan., '51, 12t. THE AMERICAN REVIEW. No. LXXXV. FOR JANUARY, 1852. THE POLICY OF NON-INTERVENTION. To make a bad policy popular, it is necessary to associate it with generous impulses and courageous sentiments. Equally true is it of the wise and sound; good and bad alike require enthusiasm and the warmth of passion to extend them and communicate their power. Society being based upon the hearts of men, if we wish to move it, we must appeal to the passions of the heart; be the cause holy or unholy, it matters not. The same fire impels both. pride of personal freedom, the sympathy of national brotherhood, and the sanctity of religious faith, are the rhetorical delusions of a demagogue, or the exhibitions of a truly great and self-sacrificing spirit; whether he is leading us headlong into folly and destruction, or rousing us from a pernicious lethargy; whether the fire of his soul has kindled ours in a vicious or a holy cause; in fine, whether he is making a bad cause popular, by touching the hearts of the people, or awakening in them their ancient spirit of freedom, large, magnanimous, and now fortunate in the power of a great empire; these questions, continually asked and agitated, are now, almost to the exclusion of all others, engrossing the attention of the peo Such is the power of glory and of sympathy, men will not only rush headlong to certain ruin, destroying all before them in pursuit of some imaginary good, which they are to achieve for others; but they will, with incredible subtlety and patience, fabriricate for themselves compact and well-joint-ple. ed systems of philosophy and faith, whose premises are laid in sheer pride and fury. The most powerful leader of the people is he who moves them by the mightiest and most enduring of all passions, the pride of personal liberty, and who associates this power with emotions of brotherhood and the sanctity of religious faith. These mighty arguments overthrow all the calculations of prudence and of interest. By these only can the spiritual oneness of men be made the lever of political enterprise. Whether the premises of those potent arguments, those magnificent and solid reasonings, by which the great orator, Kossuth, so moves the people, are the subtle contrivances of ambition, or the convictions of an honest mind; whether his appeals to the VOL. IX. NO. I. NEW SERIES. The leader of the Magyars, taken from captivity by the people of the United States, through the agency of their government, from the condition of a humble exile, dependent upon our hospitality, has achieved by his eloquence, delivered in a language foreign to himself, a reputation and an influence here, which leaves no room for wonder at the power he exercised by native eloquence among his own countrymen, The event of the Cuban invasion, unequalled in the history even of republican valor-five hundred men attempting the conquest of a powerful state, and falling at the last, with a courage worthy of the highest patriotism, like men misled and deceived, and not like buccaneers-had served only to convince the people of the United States 1 that their courage and audacity surpassed] the consecrated valor of Thermopylae, and left them without equals for enterprise in the estimation of the world. This unlawful and unfortunate expedition, which a powerful opposition and the authority of government had been unable to suppress, served as a warning to the more active sympathizers, that in movements of so great magnitude the preparation also must be great, not only in men and arms, but in the public mind. Success in that expedition, had it even revolutionized the island, and rescued the Creoles from the despotism under which they suffer, might have inspired our people with a wild and reckless audacity, and carried us away in a tempest of foreign wars and adventures. While the horror of the Cuban catastrophe continued to depress and subdue us, rumors reached us of the expected liberation of Kossuth. Our government, although determined to suppress the schemes of our own adventurers, was yet willing to show itself republican before the people of Europe, by giving a rescue to the patriots of Hungary, whose remote position made it seem possible to offer them an asylum, without thereby compromising the policy of this nation. We were satisfied with having in this manner vindicated our character as republicans, and awaited with complacency the arrival of Kossuth. We received him with acclamations, not only as a republican, but as a man of genius and notoriety, who had been the subject of all tongues in Europe. He, on the other hand, accepted what we offered, with the air of a man quite used to the approbation of a multitude, and returned our salutations in speeches which seemed to develop a new policy for the nation. Such was the first impression made by the coming of Kossuth. He gave us no time for reflection. With all the appearance of magnanimity, he accepted what we offered, not for himself, but for the cause which he represented. More than this; he seemed to open anew the principles of our fundamental law, and with sublime reasonings led captive our understandings. From the spirit of our own laws, he attempted to establish for us a law of nations, and a basis of republican diplomacy. He touched our price and awakened our ambition. He roused the young giant of Democracy out of the uneasy slumber into which he had fallen, after his luckless clutch at the Spanish island. He did not do this after a consultation with our sages and great lawyers, but with native logic and spontaneous eloquence. If we adopt the principles of the Magyar, we admit also their consequences, with the reservation only that we ourselves are to decide upon the time and circumstances of their application. Kossuth affirms, That sovereign states ought not to be interfered with in the regulation of their internal policy. He adds, That Hungary is a sovereign state, and, consequently, ought not to be prevented by the Czar of Russia, or by any other power, from adopting a republican and constitutional form of government. That the people of the United States, being themselves a sovereign and independent nation, ought not seem indifferent, when the liberties of any other nation are endangered by foreign intervention. That in the grand struggle between despotism and constitutional government, it is just and necessary for the people of the United States to recognize the position assigned them by the consent of all nations, as the vindicators of the rights of sovereign That America should no longer be the asylum only, but the stronghold of liberty. That the efforts of an intelligent and humane people, suffering under oppression, and stimulated by liberty of soul, demand not only the sacred sympathy, but the aid of the people of the United States. To the majority of the people, it was mere amazement to hear the language of Iamil-states. ton and Jefferson spoken freely and eloquently by the leader of an Asiatic tribe, and breathing anew into their hearts the fire of liberty, the flame of '76. "The people of the Danube were then also freemen, like our fathers, and were enacting a second time the scenes of Concord and Bunker Hill. Their orator, their inspirer and leader, That combinations of arbitrary powers driven by the treachery of a second Arnold against the liberty of single states may be into exile, had taken refuge among us, his rightfully opposed by equal combinations brothers in spirit and faith, and now be- of constitutional and republican States for seeches us to become his brothers in arms." I their protection; and that the aid extended |