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future concernments. That as in Nation and Religion so in other respects wee bee and continue one according to the tenor and true meaneing of the ensuing Articles: Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and betweene the parties or Juridiccons aboue named and they joyntly and seuerally doe by these presents agree and conclude That they all bee and henceforth bee called by the name of The United Colonies of New-England.

This confederation entered into a perpetual league of offence and defence, mutual advice and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberties of the gospel, and for their mutual safety.

Two commissioners from each of the four colonies were chosen annually, for the regulation of such affairs as concerned the union generally, while each retained its full sovereignty in other respects. No two colonies could join in one jurisdiction, without the consent of the whole; and no other colony could be received into the confederacy, without the like consent.

The charge of all wars was to be borne by the colonies respectively, in proportion to the male inhabitants of each between 16 and 60 years of age ; each colony raising their quota as they pleased.

On notice of an invasion by three magistrates of any colony, the confederates were immediately to furnish their respective quotas of men without further meeting or expostulation.” At the next meeting of the commissioners, however, the cause of such invasion was to be considered, and if it should

appear that the fault lay in the invaded colony, such colony was to make just satisfaction to the invaders, and bear all the charges of the war.

No colony was permitted, without the general consent, to engage in war, except in sudden and inevitable cases.

Three-fourths of the commissioners (six) possessed the power of binding the whole. Any measure approved of by a smaller majority was to be referred to the legislature of each colony, and only to be adopted if agreed to by all. If on any extraordinary meeting, their whole number should not assem

four who should meet were empowered to determine on a war, and to call for the respective quotas of the several colonies ; but not less than six could determine the justice of the war, or settle the expenses, or levy money for its support.

Rhode Island, at the instance of Massachusetts, was excluded from this union. Afterwards, in 1648, on her petitioning to be received as a member, her request was refused, unless she would consent to be incorporated with Plymouth, and thereby lose her separate existence. This condition being deemed inadmissible,

ble, any

she never was taken into the confederacy. The vigorous and prudent measures pursued by the United Colonies entirely disconcerted the plans of the Indians, and preserved a general


3. This union remained in force upwards of 30 years, when a dissolution of the charters, and a new arrangement of the boundaries of the colonies took place.

$ 4. No other attempt at union was made by the colonies, until the commencement of the troubles in America, previous to the breaking out of the French war of 1755. In the year 1754, the earl of Holdernesse, the British secretary of state, wrote a circular to the governors of the respective colonies, ordering them to repel by force the French encroachments on the Ohio, and recommending to them union for their mutual protection and defence.

To digest a plan for this purpose, a general meeting of the governors, and most influential members of the provincial assemblies, was held at Albany. The commissioners at this congress were unanimously of opinion that a union of the colonies was necessary, and they proposed a plan to the following effect: That a grand council should be formed of members to be chosen by the provincial assemblies, which council, together with a president-general to be appointed by the crown, should be authorized to make general laws, and also to raise money from all the colonies for the general defence.

95. The delegates from Connecticut alone dissented from this plan. Their sole objection to it was founded on the powers of the president-general, who, being an officer appointed by the crown, was deemed by that cautious people to be invested by the articles of the union with an authority dangerous to their welfare. The plan, for a very different reason, was not acceptable to the English ministry, who, in lieu thereof, proposed, that the governors of all the colonies, attended by one or two members of their respective councils, should from time to time concert measures for the whole colonies, erect forts, and raise troops, with a power to draw upon the British treasury in the first instance, the sums drawn to be ultimately reimbursed by a tax to be laid on the colonies by act of parliament. This plan was as much disrelished in America as the former had been in England, and the union in consequence fell to the groundt.

* The whole of the proceedings of this first congress may be found in Hazard's State Papers, vol. 2.

"The ministerial plan laid down above was transmitted to governor Shirley, and by him communicated to Dr. Franklin, and his opinion thereon request. ed. That sagacious patriot sent to the governor an answer in writing, with re.

96. No further steps were taken towards a union of the colonies until the year 1765, when a universal alarm was excited throughout the country by the passage of the stamp act by the British parliament. Resolutions were passed by several of the legislatures, asserting their exclusive right to tax their constituents. The legislature of Massachusetts, contemplating a still more solemn and effectual expression of the general sentiment, recommended that a congress of deputies from all the colonial assemblies should meet at New York on the first Tuesday in October, and addressed circular letters to the different colonial assemblies to that effect.

At the appointed time and place commissioners met from the legislatures of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on the Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina. The measures adopted by this congress were, a declaration of the rights and grievances of the colonists; and a petition to the king, together with a memorial to each house of parliament. They likewise recommended that the several colonies should appoint special agents, who should unite their utmost endeavours to obtain a redress of grievances. This done, they adjourned.

97. On the passage of the Boston port bill, in 1774, resolutions were passed by the legislatures of Virginia and Massachusetts, and by town-meetings in New York and Boston, recommending that a congress should meet annually, to deliberate on those general measures which the united interests of America should from time to time render necessary. This measure was adopted by all the colonies excepting that of Georgia. The committes of correspondence selected Philadelphia for the place of meeting, and agreed that it should take place in the beginning of September.

The delegates accordingly met at Philadelphia, on the 4th of September, 1774, and the next day they convened at the Carpenter's Hall, when Peyton Randolph, late speaker of the house of burgesses of Virginia, was unanimously chosen president.

$ 8. The members of this congress were generally elected by the colonial legislatures ; but in some instances a different system was pursued. In New Jersey and Maryland the elections were made by committees chosen in the several counties for that particular purpose ; and in New York, where the royal party was very strong, the people themselves assembled in those marks on the proposed plan, in which, by his strong reasoning powers, on the first view of the new subject, he anticipated the substance of a controversy which for twenty years employed the tongues, pens, and swords of both coun. tries.”

Ramsay's History of the American Revolutions



places where the spirit of opposition to the claims of parliament prevailed, and elected deputies, who were very readily received into congress.

9 9. The powers with which the delegates were invested were of various extent. Most generally they were authorized to consult and advise on the means most proper to secure the liberties of the colonies, and to restore the harmony formerly subsisting between them and the mother country. In some instances the powers given appeared to contemplate only such measures as would operate on the commercial connexion between the two countries; in others the discretion of the deputies was unlimited.

$ 10. After considerable discussion, it being found impossible to fix the comparative weight of each province, from the want of proper materials, it was agreed that each colony should have only one vote, whatever should be the number of its deputies. It was also agreed that their proceedings, except such as they might determine to publish, should be kept inviolably secret.

The most important business transacted this session was the passing a declaration of rights, a petition to the king, an address to the people of Great Britain, and an address to the other colonies, inviting them to unite with their brethren in the common cause. Having completed the business before them, and recommended that another congress should be held in Philadelphia, on the 10th day of the succeeding May, the house dissolved itself.

$ 11. Deputies for a new congress being chosen pursuant to the recommendation of the last, they met at the time appointed, the 10th of May, at Philadelphia. Among their first measures was a resolution for raising an army. Totally devoid of money and revenue, congress were forced to adopt a hazardous expedient, the only one, however, in their power for supporting an army, the emission of paper money. A resolution was passed for emitting a sum not exceeding two millions of Spanish milled dollars in bills of credit, and the colonies were pledged for their redemption.

$ 12. The following year, 1776, is a memorable era in the history of America. On the 4th of July, independence was declared, a measure which rendered necessary the formation of new forms of government, for the union as well as for the respective states. A committee of congress had been appointed for digesting articles of confederation between the united colonies, some weeks previous to the adoption of the declaration of independence. Many difficult questions occurred in settling a frame of government, among the principal of which may enumerated

the fixing the ratio of contributions from the states, and their relative representation in the general legislature. The value of lands was at last fixed upon as the ratio for contributions. That the states should be represented in proportion to their importance was contended for by those who had extensive territory, but those whose dimensions were small replied, that the states confederated as individuals in a state of nature, and should therefore have equal votes. From fear of weakening their exertions against the common enemy, the large states yielded the point, and consented that each should have

an equal suffrage. The articles of confederation were not agreed upon by congress until the 9th of July, 1778, having been upwards of two years in discussion, nor were they finally ratified until the 1st of March, 1781.

By these articles the states were prohibited from forming any other confederation or alliance; from laying any imposts or duties that might interfere with treaties made by congress;

from keeping up vessels of war, or regular land forces, in time of peace, without the consent of congress; from engaging in war, unless in case of actual invasion, or the danger of invasion from Indians being so imminent as not to admit of a delay till congress could be consulted. The states were to have the appointment of all officers “ of or under the rank of colonel,” in land forces raised by them for the common defence.

Delegates were to be annually appointed to congress, in such manner as the legislature of each state should direct; no state to send less than two, nor more than seven; each state to maintain its own; and, whatever might be its number of delegates, to have only one vote.

Congress was invested with the sole and exclusive right of determining on peace or war; of sending and receiving ambassadors; of entering into treaties and alliances ; and of establishing courts of admiralty. It was likewise to be the last resort on appeal in all disputes between two or more states ; to have the sole and exclusive right of regulating the alloy and value of coin, struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states; of fixing the standard of weights and measures; of regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians; of establishing and regulating post-offices ; of appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and all officers in the land forces in the service of the United States, except regimental officers; and of establishing rules for the government, and directing the operations, both of the land and naval forces. Congress was invested with no powers over individuals, but only over states in their

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