1842] CHARTIST RIOTS. 91 favour him. The Irish had been unusually quiet during the Session, and news had now reached England of the favourable termination of the Chinese war, the victories of our arms in India, and the conclusion of a long-unsettled question as to the boundary between Canada and the United States by what is known as the Ashburton Treaty (August 9, 1842). The policy of the Chinese War was indeed questioned, but the late Ministers were answerable for that, and the nation was very glad to have completed with success the inglorious contest. The withdrawal of the English army from Afghanistan, the practical reversal of the course pursued by Palmerston and Lord Auckland, afforded an opening for bitter attack, rendered the more easy by the injudicious proclamations and vacillating policy of Lord Ellenborough; but it was a cause of general congratulation that the prestige of English arms had been re-established; and most men were glad to get rid of a policy which had produced such terrible disasters, and were disposed to allow the wisdom of leaving the Afghans to settle their own affairs. Lord Palmerston too clamoured against the Ashburton Treaty, and called it a capitulation. England had indeed surrendered some of its claims, but as much as could fairly be required of the barren country in dispute had been obtained, and the friendship of America was well worth a little concession. Yet there were signs on all sides of coming difficulties. The Session was scarcely over before riots of a most danger- serious causes ous character broke out among the manufacturing of anxiety. population of Staffordshire and Lancashire. On the 6th of August a great meeting had been held on Mottram Moor, near Manchester, and a resolution had been passed that all labour should cease till the People's Charter became law. The fall of wages, which was the immediate cause of the outbreak, has been attributed to the intentional action of the partisans of the Anti-Corn-Law League, who expected to find in popular disturbances a means of furthering their object. The workmen left the mills, pulled up the plugs to prevent the working of the engines, and adopted the resolution just mentioned. The leaders endeavoured to spread the strike in all directions. They were entirely successful for the time in the potteries and at Manchester. A Convention was summoned for the 16th of August at Manchester. Before that time wild and destructive riots had taken place in Staffordshire, requiring the presence of soldiery. At the Manchester Convention there was a division of opinion, and Feargus O'Connor, who was present, raised some objections to the use of physical force. The majority, however, were in favour of it, and a Chartist riots. strongly-worded address, which was nothing less than a call to arms, was issued under the signature of the Executive Committee of the Chartists. But the Government was watchful and efficient; troops were poured into the disturbed districts, and arrests were very largely made. In Stafford gaol alone, where a Special Commission was opened in October, there were 800 men imprisoned. Feargus O'Connor was himself arrested in September for the part he had played in the disturbances. But though the movement had been suppressed the causes still remained, and the hope of securing order rested perhaps chiefly upon divisions among the discontented people. While one section still regarded O'Connor as its head, a rival organisation known as the Complete Suffrage party had arisen; the wealthier supporters of the Charter were withdrawing from the working men, and the question as to the use of physical or moral force caused still further division. The AntiCorn-Law Leaguers also continued their agitation. The late financial measures could not as yet produce effect, and the League could still urge the misery of the country as a chief argument for the acceptance of their plan. They now agreed to collect £50,000 for the express purpose of disseminating their views. There was every prospect of a continued struggle on this point. In India, too, fresh difficulties had arisen. The invasion of Afghanistan had entailed certain after-results Danger of fresh which seemed to threaten further war, and perhaps annexation. The territory of Sindh, upon the lower Indus, was ruled by three families of chiefs or Ameers, the descendants of Belloochee conquerors. It had once formed a part of the Afghan kingdom, but at the revolution which drove Shah Soojah from the throne of Cabul the Ameers had established their independence. They had been subjected to the regular process of Anglo-Indian encroachment; a Resident had been forced upon them, and treaties in the interest of the English made with them against their will. One branch of the invading army of Afghanistan in 1838 had passed through their territory, and their half-veiled hostility had induced the Indian Government to establish a permanent body of British troops in their dominions, and to wring from them a further treaty by which they engaged to pay a large sum of money annually for the maintenance of this garrison. Sir Charles Napier was at once commander of the troops and political agent to the Ameers, and had received in September 1842 a despatch from the Governor-General of a very threatening character. Lord Ellenborough, while demanding strong proof of the hostility of the Ameers, had declared it to be his intention war in India. 1842] PEEL'S DIFFICULTIES. 93 to inflict signal punishment upon any of them who should appear to have taken advantage of the late disasters in Afghanistan to exhibit ill-feeling to the English. The situation seemed full of danger. Nor was the temporary lull of agitation in Ireland other than Excitement Peel overcomes the difficulty Corn Leaguers. with the deceptive. The Repeal Association was still in full in Ireland. vigour, and preparing for further exhibitions of its influence. Strong and successful though the Ministry had been, it was clear that the coming year would still try its stability to the uttermost. But beyond the mere management of the difficulties which were pretty certain to arise, the Government would be called upon to exercise its judgment upon a new class of questions. Matters of social interest were everywhere pushing to the surface. Everywhere the New social awakened conscience of the nation was making itself felt. questions. The moral and physical condition of the people, education, the working of the Poor Law, the management of prisons, were the topics which filled men's minds; while both in England and in Scotland the national Church was passing through a time of critical excitement. In the coming year all these rising difficulties had to be faced. Sir Robert Peel and his Ministry proved at all events so far sufficient to encounter them, that the close of the Session saw him still in possession of a firm and powerful majority. Every opportunity was taken by the supporters of the Anti-Corn-Law League to introduce their views to public notice in the House, and to press the adoption of what they regarded as the great cure for the national difficulties; and circumstances rendered their position even stronger than before. The Government, in the Queen's Speech (February 2), had been obliged to confess that there was a notable falling off in the receipts of the revenue, and that an analysis showed that the diminution was chiefly such as must arise from the decreased purchase by the mass of the people of articles of comfort, luxury, and even necessity, a sure sign of the continued depression of industry and of the increasing misery of the industrial classes. Yet Peel was firm Sufficient time had scarcely passed for a true estimate of the effects of his new system of finance. His incometax enabled him to cover the deficiency. He remained resolute in his maintenance of the Corn Laws, but continued to introduce modifications in other directions, all tending towards free-trade. Peel upholds With the powerful aid of the Duke of Wellington he succeeded in vindicating the policy of the Indian Government with regard to Afghanistan, and even in obtaining a vote of Ellenborough's thanks to Lord Ellenborough and to the officers and men policy. engaged in the late operations, though Lord Ellenborough's policy was subjected to bitter assault. Indeed, from the correspondence which has since come to light, it appears that on his first arrival in India he had really thought of ordering the immediate retreat of the English forces, with somewhat strange forgetfulness of the prisoners in the hands of Akbar Khan. The firmness of the generals employed and the consequent gradual improvement of our position had enabled him to carry out what was probably the best line of conduct which could have been adopted; and the charges which were brought against him were chiefly directed to his somewhat wanton assault upon the policy of his predecessor, and the ill-judged and theatrical tone of his despatches of triumph. A policy of which retribution and revenge is a part is always open to question, and the army was accused of reckless destruction and plunder. It would seem however that the conduct of the troops had been on the whole singularly moderate, although almost as a matter of course some disorders had arisen. It has been already mentioned that Lord Ellenborough's policy had assumed a somewhat aggressive character after the successful withdrawal of the army from Afghanistan. The threatening despatch of September to Sir Charles Napier in Sindh was followed by instructions to force upon the Ameers a new treaty by which their irregularly paid subsidy should be exchanged for the cession of ends favourably. Kurrachee, and some other towns, with a strip of land on either side of the Indus. Some pressure was necessary to bring the unwilling princes to the point. A very remarkable march across the desert put Sir Charles Napier in possession of the fort of Emaunghur, and Major Outram eventually brought the Ameers both of Hyderabad and Kurpore to affix their seals to the treaty. But it was scarcely signed before the temper of their troops, and probably their own wishes, induced them to make an assault upon Outram in the Residency of Hyderabad. With 100 men Outram succeeded in holding it for a while against 8000 assailants, and ultimately withdrew his little garrison in safety. Napier, although he based his subsequent action upon this breach of faith on the part of the Ameers had in fact already arrived at the conclusion that the use of arms was necessary, and at once upon Outram's arrival advanced against the Ameers. On the 17th of February he came upon them at Meeanee, and there, though the enemy numbered seven to one, completely routed them. On the 20th he entered Hyderabad, and by another great victory known as the battle of Hyderabad, obtained full command of the country. Early in April he wrote to the The Sindh War 1843. 1843] THE GWALIOR WAR. 95 Governor-General, "I think I may venture to say Sindh is now subdued." favourably. The year was not however over before hostilities broke out in another direction. The State of Gwalior had been left in the The Gwalior hands of the Mahrattas, an English Resident being war ends stationed at the Court of Scindia, who was virtually 1843. under British protection. During the minority of Junkojee Rao Scindia, domestic disturbances had arisen in the State of Gwalior. The Maharanee, the widow of the late ruler, had deposed the Regent appointed by the English and substituted a friend of her own. The English Resident had thought it necessary to withdraw; and the whole tone of Mahratta government had assumed a character of hostility to the English. By the Treaty of Burhampore in 1804, the English had contracted to keep in readiness a body of troops which, on the requisition of the Mahratta Prince, should be at his service to establish his authority. It was of great importance that a state occupying the central position of Gwalior should be itself well governed, and in the hands of rulers willing and able to maintain order on the frontiers. Lord Ellenborough thought it necessary to intervene; he took advantage of the Treaty of Burhampore, and declared that he could not allow the minority of the Prince and his consequent inability to make a requisition to act to his detriment. Under pretext, therefore, that the disorders were derogatory to the authority of the young Scindia, he entered the Mahratta territory in December with an army under the command of Sir Hugh Gough. Proclaiming his pacific intentions, he began, as he believed, successful negotiations for the settlement of the government, and was preparing to withdraw when he found that the Mahratta troops had assembled in force at Maharajpore. There an important battle was fought and a complete victory won. A second English army, under Major-General Grey, on the same day won an equally decisive battle at Punniar. The consequence of these victories was the submission of the Mahratta Court; the fort of Gwalior was surrendered to the English, the Mahratta troops were disbanded, and a British contingent of nine regiments, maintained at the cost of the Gwalior State, substituted. In spite of the prominence of social questions, the session produced but little direct legislation. Men still shrunk from any infringement of that complete personal and individual freedom Efforts at social to which Englishmen are so closely attached. Yet legislation. social evils which seemed in some degree traceable to that very freedom were forcing themselves upon the public notice, and, as on |