1858] DISRAELI's reform BILL 341 1833 the Bill had been sent to the Upper House, and been rejected. It did not seem prudent to resist longer, and the Government expressed their assent to the compromise. A Bill in accordance with it was therefore rapidly passed, and on the 26th of July Baron Rothschild took his seat for the City of London. Disraeli's Feb. 1859. The Government had successfully passed through one session, yet the majority of the House was in opposition to it, and its lengthened tenure of office was impossible unless it Reform Bill. could find some means of changing this state of affairs. The great events of the last few years had drawn the public mind a good deal away from domestic questions, and had brought into office that section of the Liberals which shared Lord Palmerston's dislike to further progress in Parliamentary reform. But as the comparative success of the Crimean war, the close of the little wars in Persia and China, and the suppression of the Mutiny had removed for the time questions of a more wide and imperial character, activity in domestic politics had again arisen. The Conservative Government, well aware that the reformers were little pleased with the way in which the Whigs had treated their favourite question, and calculating upon the division between the parties of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, hoped to secure the majority which they required by themselves undertaking to bring in a Reform Bill. The opportunity was a good one, and a sound and simple Bill might have answered their expectations. But when on the 28th of February Mr. Disraeli introduced his measure, it proved to contain fanciful arrangements which to the scrutinising eyes of the Opposition, seemed to be directed to the sole object of securing a Conservative majority. What was new in the Bill was the extension of the franchise to the possessors of personal property; £10 a year in the funds, £60 in the savings-bank, pensions of £20 a year were to give the right of voting, which was to be extended also to graduates, ministers of religion, lawyers, and doctors. At the same time the £10 household franchise was to be extended to the counties. For the purpose the Conservatives had in view the Bill was an unwise one. It was at once too wide and too narrow. Its introduction was immediately followed by the resignation of two of the Ministers (Mr. Henley and Mr. Walpole). And Lord John Russell, seeing his opportunity, proposed a resolution reprobating on the one hand the interference with the old principle of freehold franchise, and on the other the maintenance of the high qualification in cities and boroughs. This resolution was very skilfully drawn, so as to unite all classes of opponents to the Bill, and after a debate rendered memorable by the The Ministry defeated. great speeches of Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, and Mr. Cairns, SolicitorGeneral, the division showed that the Government were in a minority of thirty-nine in one of the fullest Houses on record. Called to office under peculiar circumstances, and in a March 31, 1859. Parliament elected while they were in Opposition, the Government did not think it necessary at once to resign, but determined to appeal to the constituencies. The result did not answer their expectations, although their ranks were somewhat strengthened. On the reassembling of Parliament a vote of want of confidence was moved, and carried by a majority of thirteen. The Ministry had no choice now but to resign. Derby resigns. Granville fails to form a Ministry. It was not a very easy matter to supply their place. The disorganisation of the Liberal party, and the discord existing between its two acknowledged heads had been the cause of the success of the Conservatives. Unless the discord could be healed, a strong Liberal Government could not be formed. Aware of this, the Liberal party had succeeded in bringing about a reconciliation between its leaders. Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston had promised to come to an agreement that whichever of the two was charged with the formation of a Government, should have the co-operation of the other. But the Queen, not perhaps aware of the arrangement, and feeling, as she said, that it was highly invidious to choose between such eminent statesmen, intrusted Lord Granville with the formation of a Ministry, hoping to enlist both the rivals under his banner. His negotiations were not successful, and the choice fell on Lord Palmerston, who succeeded in forming a remarkably strong Ministry, although the determination of Lord John Russell to hold the Foreign Office deprived it of the assistance of Lord Clarendon. It was a time when a strong Ministry was very necessary, for the Need of a strong affairs of Europe were full of difficulty, and war between France and Austria had already broken out. It was the bursting of a storm which had been long brewing. In his desire to revise the Vienna Treaties and make alterations in the arrangements of Europe, the Emperor had naturally turned his attention to the state of Italy. He probably was really anxious for the freedom of that country. It afforded, moreover, the best ground on which to give effect to his long-rankling dislike of Austria. Either by direct possession as in Venetia or Lombardy, or through the instrumentality of the Grand Dukes, the Austrian influence was paramount through a large portion of the Peninsula, and was employed in the disastrous maintenance of bad government, and in Ministry because of foreign affairs. 1849] CONDITION OF ITALY 343 the repression of the sentiment of national independence and unity which had taken possession of the Italians. Since the battle of Novara in 1849, Sardinia, which had placed itself at the head of the national movement, had con- Growth of Sartinually grown in strength and power. Firmly adhering dinia. to constitutional government, under the wise management of Cavour and the honest and straightforward policy of King Victor Emmanuel, it had forced itself into a place of some importance in Europe. It had fought beside the Western Powers in the Crimea, and had taken the opportunity of the Conferences which led to the Peace of Paris, to lay before Europe the claims and aspirations of Italy. Though peace was as yet unbroken, there was every sign that sooner or later the question between Sardinia and Austria must be settled by war. Assisted by large subscriptions from the rest of Italy, the fortress of Alessandria had been fully armed. The fortifications of other strong places had been pressed forward. At Spezzia a great naval armament had been created. And in 1857 diplomatic relations between the two Courts, which had been renewed after the Peace of Paris, were again broken off. Steadily opposing the more violent efforts of Mazzini and the Republicans, Cavour had led all the moderate Liberals of Italy to look with longing hope to the establishment of a constitutional kingdom under the Sardinian House. Conscious that single-handed the risk of attacking the Austrian power was greater than he could wisely run, he had found, as he believed. a firm supporter in the French Emperor. The attempt of Orsini threatened for the instant to ruin this hope. was supposed that it was principally in anger at the Emperor's delay, and at the obstacles he was thought to raise to the free development of Italy that the assassination had been contrived. Orsini was undoubtedly one of the Republican refugees from Rome. The Emperor caused a very sharp despatch to be sent to Sardinia demanding (what he could only suggest to England) a change in their law, for the protection of foreign rulers. The misunderstanding, which might easily have interrupted the friendship of France and Sardinia, was removed by a straightforward autograph letter from Victor Emmanuel. It is even possible that Orsini's attempt, abortive though it was, furthered the cause for which he died. Certain of his letters which came into the Emperor's hands are said to have added fresh life to his vacillating desires for Italian freedom. He was further moved by his desire to withdraw the French garrison from Rome. In conjunction with the Austrians, his troops were upholding the Alliance be It tween Sardinia and France. Pope against the change of government ardently desired by the Roman people. But the advice, which he thought himself justified under the circumstances in pressing upon the Pope, was disregarded, and the influence of Austria seemed paramount. He was weary of supporting a Court where he was unable to make his voice fully heard. He demanded a private interview with Cavour, which took place in July at Plombières. It would seem that he went even beyond the hopes of the Italian Minister. Cavour still looked forward to a peaceful diplomatic settlement, but he did not feel himself justified in refusing the powerful assistance which the Emperor offered him, and an arrangement was arrived at by which the Emperor agreed to give armed assistance to Sardinia in the case of a just war. Secret Treaty at Plombières. July 1858. The arrangement was kept entirely secret even from the Emperor's own Ministers. But indications observed by diplomatists during the autumn led to a feeling that war was imminent. According to the Emperor's calculations, and for the furtherance of his fixed idea of a changed Europe, the time was propitious. He believed, and the flattering professions of friendship which had been lavished on him justified his belief, that he might count upon the support of Russia, especially as the conduct of Austria in the Crimean war, and at the subsequent Treaty, was still rankling in the mind of the Czar. The jealousy existing between Prussia and Austria as rival claimants to the first place in Germany seemed to promise at least the neutrality of Prussia; while with regard to England the well-known sympathy existing there with the national movement in Italy, seemed to secure to him the complete if not enthusiastic restoration of that close alliance which late events had so severely shaken. Europe was warned that the critical moment had arrived when, at the reception of the Ministers on New Year's Day 1859, Louis Napoleon roughly informed the Austrian Ambassador that the relations between the countries were exceedAnd the line the war would take was indicated when on the 10th of January, at the opening of the Sardinian Chambers, the King informed his Parliament that the greatness of the position he had gained was not exempt from perils, for while respecting treaties, he was not insensible to the cry of suffering which reached him from so many parts of Italy. Breach between Austria and France. Jan. 1859. ingly bad. The diploicic world was at once thrown into a state of excitement. The wed-known ideas of Napoleon, and the profound mistrust felt in him, caused his words to be heard with the greatest 1859] APPROACH OF WAR 345 alarm. Excited by his own ambition, and, as it was generally believed, by the necessity of upholding his position at home by an active foreign policy, it appeared only too probable that the first infraction of the Vienna Treaties might easily lead, if successful, to a corresponding effort to secure the Rhine frontier, and bring with it a great European war. But the Emperor found that the calculations on which he had relied were ill-founded. The Prussian King had just been compelled by failing intellect to give place to his brother. The change of ruler had brought with it a change of Ministry and policy. Men of more liberal and wider views had been called to the Government. The Russian influence had been largely removed, and Prussia took up a national position, laying aside for a while its Austrian jealousies. The Conservative Government of England strongly supported by the Court, regarded it as impossible in any way to encourage an uncalled-for assault upon an old ally such as Austria, and the late ill-feeling called out by the events accompanying the Orsini plot proved for a while too strong for Italian sympathy. Discovering his mistake, the Emperor cast about at all events ostensibly for means of withdrawing from his difficult position. He continued to declare his peaceful intentions. He denied that he was placing his army on a war footing. He allowed, nay even urged, the English to despatch Lord Cowley as a mediator to the Austrian Court. Yet as so frequently happened in his career, he was weak and undecided at the moment when called to give active effect to the schemes he had been long pondering. In the present instance there was a whip held over him constantly pressing him forward. Cavour possessed the written agreement of Plombières, and threatened if he were deserted to publish it, and ruin the Emperor's credit both at home Napoleon and abroad. Thus at the very time that Lord Cowley his difficulties was engaged at his suggestion in attempting to bring by a Congress. about a peaceful arrangement at Vienna, he induced Russia to propose that a Congress should be summoned, that Congress which in one form or other he had so persistently demanded for the rearrangement of European boundaries. The advantage of this Congress to Napoleon, apart from any territorial arrangements which might be discussed in it, lay in this, that if it should come to any conclusion as to the state of Italy, he could plead the mandate of Europe as an excuse for eluding his engagement at Plombières; if, as seemed likely, Austria should make some mistake, or exhibit irritation in some breach of the peace, his hands would be untied, and he might proceed, without being open to blame, to support his Italian ally. hopes to elude |