assembly, and the Portuguese throne though shaken retained its balance.

A similar condition of affairs was taking place about the same time in Sicily, the people of which demanded the restoration of their constitution from their Sovereign, the King of Naples. While he was endeavouring by compromises to reconcile them, the French revolution broke out, encouraged by which the Sicilians declared they would no longer recognise the King of Naples as their monarch. In return he bombarded Messina and Palermo, and it was only after revolting cruelties had been enacted and many months had passed, that the revolution was suppressed. The insurrection of Sicily was followed by that of other Italian states. Venice overthrew the Austrians and proclaimed a republic; Lombardy drove the same enemy out of her dominions. The Grand Duchy of Tuscany was obliged to grant a liberal constitution to its people; King Carlo Alberto of Sardinia was willing to do the same for his subjects, but had scruples about doing so because of an oath exacted from him by his predecessor, that he would never grant a constitution. In his perplexity he laid his case before Pius IX. who sent him word that "a Pope had no powers to absolve from an oath made in the presence of God, but God does not accept oaths made against the welfare and happiness of men." In their turn the subjects of the Pope, enraged because he had refused to join in the

general effort to sweep the Austrians out of Italy broke into an insurrection, demanded that he should make war on the common enemy, and assassinated Count Rossi the Minister of the Interior, as he was about to enter the Chamber of Deputies. Joined by the whole National Guard, the populace surrounded the Quirinal and the houses of the Cardinals, and took possession of the city gates. Unwilling that blood should be shed, Pius IX., disguised as a servant of the Bavarian Minister, escaped from his palace and took refuge in the Neapolitan states. The Austrian people who had long been despotically ruled, had been also affected by the revolutionary wave, and in April 1848, had demanded liberal reforms. Before the year ended the insurgents had seized possession of the capital, which became the scene of carnage and cruelty. Eventually the Emperor Ferdinand resigned in favour of his nephew Francis Joseph.

An insurrection in Munich, March, 1848, obliged Ludwig I. of Bavaria to abdicate in favour of his son. The king of Hanover, the most absolute of all monarchs, was obliged to grant the demands of his subjects for a liberal constitution; while Leopold King of the Belgians believing the republican Government of France secretly incited his people to follow its example, feared for the safety of his crown. At the same time Switzerland, a country from which disturbance was least to be expected, by the disputes of its

cantons, and the ensuing civil war, at one time threatened to embroil all Europe in warfare.

In the struggle made for liberal reform by Prussia, the English Court took deepest interest. Aware of the discontent of his subjects, Frederick William assembled a Diet in Berlin in 1847, that he might hear their grievances. With every assurance of loyalty this body expressed the popular demand for freedom of the Press; trial by jury; and a national representative parliament. But that it should dictate to one who governed by divine right, was a presumption which greatly offended His Majesty, who declared he would never permit a constitution to stand between himself and his people. Though a lover of sounding phrases and a maker of fine speeches, he was in reality a timid man. The threatening attitude of his subjects, together with other complications made him desire to communicate secretly, as Queen Maria Pia had already done, with the English Sovereign on a political question. Writing a letter to her, he forwarded it to Baron Bunsen his Minister in London, directing that it should be delivered in a private audience to Her Majesty. On inquiring from Prince Albert how this should be done, Bunsen was commanded to Osborne in company with Palmerston. On learning that the King had communicated with Her Majesty, Palmerston bluntly told the Prussian Minister. “It was unheard of, quite unusual that a foreign Sovereign

should write to the Sovereign of England on politics." On the day of Palmerston's arrival at Osborne House, the Queen and Prince Albert discussed the King of Prussia's letter with him for two hours before their nine o'clock dinner. Its contents chiefly related to the German Confederacy which Her Majesty favoured. The answer, as Bunsen states in his Memoirs, was "written out fair by Prince Albert under Lord Palmerston's revision for the Queen who will write it herself to-morrow when the letter will be despatched by express messenger."

A story told by Bunsen, relative to their return from Osborne throws a sidelight on Palmerston's character. The yacht which carried them from the Isle of Wight, was unable on account of rough weather to enter Southampton harbour. To gain land they put off in a small boat, the helm of which Palmerston was asked to take, so that all available hands might be given to the oars. On landing safely Bunsen paid the Foreign Minister a far-fetched compliment about the vessel of the State and a common boat being steered with equal safety by the same man; when Palmerston said, "Oh, one learns boating at Cambridge, even though one may have learnt nothing better." On arriving at the railway station they found the last train to town had gone when Palmerston insisted that he must have a special train. The railway officials declared the danger of collision was too great

for them to undertake it; but Palmerston insisted on having one saying, he was willing to take all risk on himself. In fear and trembling his commands were obeyed, and when the train after shooting past station after station, arrived in town without causing or receiving damage, the directors refused all payment, declaring they considered themselves lucky by their own escape from serious responsibility.

In Prussia the state of political discontent continued and was brought to a climax by the French revolution. Though hearing of this with amazement and horror, Frederick William little dreamt of its suggestive influence upon his stolid subjects; and was only awakened to a sense of his peril when at noon March 13, 1848, the great square in front of his palace was suddenly filled with a stormy surging crowd loudly demanding liberal reform. As this threatened to become dangerous, the military were called out to suppress it, when a furious fight took place between the soldiers and the people. Though the latter were overcome they were not pacified and riots continued through the following week. The King seeing that two comtemporary monarchs had abdicated, that thrones were shaking around him, that the people were everywhere demanding liberal government, forgot in his fright his claim to divine rights, and on the 18th of the month, by royal proclamation promised his subjects to grant their demands for a constitutional government, liberty