often men of no estate or principle, who came merely to make fortunes, and had no natural regard for the country they were to govern. That to make them quite independent of the people, was to make them careless of their conduct, whether it was beneficial or mischievous to the public, and giving a loose to their rapacious and oppressive dispositions. That the influence supposed could never extend to operate any thing prejudicial to the king's service, or the interest of Britain; since the governor was bound by a set of particular instructions, which he had given surety to observe; and all the laws he assented to were subject to be repealed by the crown if found improper. That the payment of the salaries by the people was more satisfactory to them, as it was productive of a good understanding, and mutual good offices between governor and governed, and therefore the innovation lately made in that respect at Boston and New York had, in my opinion, better be laid aside. So this article was suffered to remain.

But the 14th was thought totally inadmissible. The monopoly of the American commerce could never be given up, and the proposing it would only give offence without answering any good purpose. I was therefore prevailed on to strike it wholly out. The 15th was readily agreed to.

The 16th it was thought would be of little consequence, if the duties were given to the colony

treasuries.

The 17th it was thought could hardly be obtained, but might be tried.

Thus having gone through the whole, I was desired to make a fair copy for Dr. Fothergill, who now informed us, that having an opportunity of seeing daily Lord Dartmouth, of whose good disposition he had a high opinion, he would communicate the paper to him, as the sentiments of considerate persons who wished the welfare of both countries. Suppose, said Mr. Barclay, I were to show this paper to Lord Hyde; would there be any thing amiss in so doing? He is a very knowing man; and though not in the ministry, properly speaking, he is a good deal attended to by them. I have some acquaintance with him: we converse freely sometimes; and perhaps, if he and I were to talk these articles over, and I should communicate to him our conversation upon them, some good might arise out of it. Dr. Fothergill had no objection; and I said I Lord Hyde a little, and had an esteem for him. I had drawn the paper at their request, and it was now theirs to do with it what they pleased. Mr. Barclay then proposed that I should send the fair copy to him, which, after making one for Dr. Fothergill and one for himself, he would return to me. Another question then arose, whether I had any objection to their mentioning that I had been consulted? I said, none that related to myself; but it was my opinion, if they wished any attention paid

could have none. I knew

to the propositions, it would be better not to mention me; the ministry having, as I conceived, a prejudice against me and every thing that came from me. They said, on that consideration it might be best not to mention me; and so it was concluded. For my own part, I kept this whole proceeding a profound secret; but I soon after discovered that it had taken air by some means or other.

Being much interrupted the day following, I did not copy and send the paper. The next morning I received a note from Mr. Barclay, pressing to have it before twelve o'clock. I accordingly sent it to him. Three days after I received the following note from him.

D. Barclay presents his respects, and acquaints Dr. Franklin, that being informed a pamphlet, entitled, "A FRIENDLY ADDRESS," has been dispersed to the disadvantage of America, (in particular by the Dean of Norwich) he desires Dr. Franklin will peruse the enclosed, just come to band from America; and if he approves of it, republish it, as D. Barclay wishes something might be properly spread at Norwich. D. Barclay saw to-day a person with whom he had been yesterday, (before he called on Dr. Franklin) and had the satisfaction of walking part of the way with him to another noble person's house, to meet on the busi

ness, and he told him, that he could say, that he

saw some light.

Cheapside, 11th inst.

The person so met and accompanied by Mr. Barclay, I understood to be Lord Hyde, going either to Lord Dartmouth's or Lord North's. I knew not which.

In the following week arrived the proceedings of the congress, which had been long and anxiously expected, both by the friends and adversaries of America.

The petition of congress to the king was enclosed to me, and accompanied by the following letter from their president, addressed to the American agents in London, as follows:

TO PAUL WENTWORTH, ESQ., DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, WILLIAM BOLLEN, ESQ., DR. ARTHUR LEE, THOMAS LIFE, ESQ., EDMUND BURKE, ESQ., CHARLES GARTH, ESQ.

GENTLEMEN,

Philadelphia, October 26, 1774.

We give you the strongest proof of our reliance on your zeal and attachment to the happiness of America, and the cause of liberty, when we commit the enclosed papers to your care.

We desire you will deliver the petition into the

hands of his majesty; and after it has been presented, we wish it may be made public through the press, together with the list of grievances. And as we hope for great assistance from the spirit, virtue, and justice of the nation, it is our earnest desire that the most effectual care be taken, as early as possible, to furnish the trading cities and manufacturing towns throughout the united kingdom, with our memorial to the people of Great Britain.

We doubt not but that your good sense and discernment will lead you to avail yourselves of every assistance that may be derived from the advice and friendship of all great and good men, who may incline to aid the cause of liberty and mankind.

The gratitude of America, expressed in the enclosed vote of thanks,' we desire may be conveyed to the deserving objects of it, in the manner that you think will be most acceptable to them.

It is proposed that another congress be held on the 10th May next, at this place; but in the mean time we beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to transmit to the speakers of the several assemblies, the

This piece is wanting; but it was a vote of congress declaratory, in their own names, and in the behalf of all those whom they represented, of their most grateful acknowledgments to those truly noble, honorable, and patriotic advocates of civil and religious liberty, who had so generously and powerfully, though unsuccessfully, espoused and defended the cause of America, both in and out of parliament.