The commercial intercourse between the two countries

If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so, he will re-is susceptible of highly advantageous improvements; but pair to St. Petersburgh, and resume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the most satisfactory assurance that, in the mean time, the public interests in that quarter will be preserved from prejudice, by the intercourse which he will continue, through the Secretary of Legation, with the Russian cabinet.

You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been, officially announced to the House of Representatives, that a treaty was, in the month of March last, concluded between the United States and Denmark, by which $650,000 are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Se nate at the close of its last session, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessary laws for the organization of the Board of Commissioners to distribute the indemnity amongst the claimants. It is an agreeable circumstance of this adjustment, that its terms are in conformity with the previously ascertained views of the claimants themselves; thus removing all pretence for a futurs agitation of the subject in any form.

The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as remained to be adjusted, have been actively Material advances have prosecuted during the recess. been made, which are of a character to promise favorable results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in a situation to invite aggression; and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal and friendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfil our engagements with scrupulous, fidelity; limiting our demands upon others to mere justice; holding our selves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to be done by, and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any Nation, it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincere application of our principles to our foreign relations can fail to place them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish they should rest.

the sense of this injury has had, and must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. From its satisfactory adjustment, not only a firm and cordial friendship, but a progressive development of all their relations, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be speedily removed.

I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which should govern a just and magnanimous Nation, is alike warranted by the character of the French people, and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure integrity of the monarch who now presides over their councils; and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any manifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one of corresponding frankness and liberality. The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view of that Government, by our Minister there, with much force and propriety; and the strongest assurances have been received of their early and favora ble consideration.

The steps which remained to place the matter in con. troversy between Great Britain and the United States fairly before the arbitrator, have all been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which characterized those Recent events have doubtless served before announced. to delay the decision, but our Minister at the Court of the distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made within the time contemplated by the treaty.

I am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedly favorable, and, as I hope, lasting change has been effected in our relations with the neighboring republic of Mexico. picions in regard to our disposition, which it became my painful duty to advert to on a former occasion, have been, I believe, entirely removed; and the Government of Mex ico has been made to understand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard to that country. The consequence is, the establishment of friendship and mu tual confidence. Such are the assurances which I have received, and I see no cause to doubt their sincerity.

The unfortunate and unfounded sus

Of the points referred to, the most prominent are, our claims upon France for spoliations upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the two countries, I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treaty treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the of commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has been present occasion. Circumstances which are not explain so long in suspense, as well as the final settlement of lied, but which, I am persuaded, are not the result of an mits beween ourselves and that republic; and finally the indisposition on her part to enter into it, have produced arbitrament of the question between the United States the delay. and Great Britain in regard to the northeastern boundary.

The negotiation with France has been conducted by our Minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionally dimmed by counterpretensions, to which the United States could not assent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satis factory settlement with the late Government. The nego tiation has been renewed with the present authorities; and, sensible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity of regenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power, yet, to announce the result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation, has been taken; and I do not allow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done to us. The amount of the claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and their incontrovertible justice, make an earnest prosecution of them by this Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the seizures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed; and whatever distinctions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the liability of the existing Government, it is quite clear that such considerations cannot now be interposed.

There was reason to fear, in the course of the last summer, that the harmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certain claimants, under Mexican grants, of territory which has hitherto been under our jurisdiction. The co-operation of the representative of Mexico near this Government was asked on the occasion, and was readily afforded. Instructions and advice have been given to the Governor of Arkansas and the Officers in command in the adjoining Mexican State, by which, it is hoped, the quiet of that frontier will be preserved, unul a nal settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of controversy.

The exchange of ratification of the treaty concluded last year with Austria has not yet taken place. The delay has been occasioned by the non-arrival of the ratifica tion of that Government within the time prescribed by the treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by the representative of Austria; and, in the mean time, the ra pidly increasing trade and navigation between the two countries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of our navigation acts.

Several alleged depredations have been recently com mitted on our commerce by the national vessels of Pottugal. They have been made the subject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation. I am not yet possesscal

The one

jects, I should not have withheld my assent.
now returned does so in several particulars, but it also
contains appropriations for surveys of a local character,
which I cannot approve. It gives me satisfaction to find
that no serious inconvenience has arisen from withhold
ing my approval from this bill; nor will it, I trust, be

ed for Congress to review its provisions under circum-
stances better calculated for full investigation than those
under which it was passed.

of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of their character, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means shall be omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they may appear to be entitled. Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last session, two bills, the one entitled "An act for making appropriations for building light-houses, light-boats, beacause of regret that an opportunity will be thereby affordcons, and monuments, placing buoys, and for improving harbors and directing surveys," and the other, "An act to authorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal Company," were submitted for my appro- In speaking of direct appropriations, I mean not to inval. It was not possible, within the time allowed me, clude a practice which has obtained to some extent, and before the close of the session, to give these bilis the to which I have, in one instance, in a different capacity, consideration which was due to their character and impor- given my assent-that of subscribing to the stock of pritance; and I was compelled to retain them for that pur- vate associations. Positive experience, and a more thopose. I now avail myself of this early opportunity to re-rough consideration of the subject, have convinced me of turn them to the Houses in which they respectively ori- the impropriety as well as inexpediency of such investginated, with the reasons which, a'ter mature deliberaments. All improvements effected by the funds of the tion, compel me to withhold my approval.

The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the United States the expenses incurred by the establishment an I support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, within the bays, inlets, harbors, and ports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and easy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has been continued without interruption or dispute. |

nation, for general use, should be open to the enjoyment of all our fellow citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls, or any imposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the concerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals, is inconsistent with the object of its institution, and highly impolitic. The successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved by confining it to the few and simple, but yet important objects for which it was designed.

As our foreign commerce increased, and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers, the sphere of those expenditures received a corresponding enlargement. Light-houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial or temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced in the revenue districts from time to time established by law, were authorized upon the same principle, and the expense defrayed in the same manner. That these expenses have at times been extravagant and disproportionate, is very probable. The circumstances under which they are incurred, are well calculated to lead to such a result, unless their application is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages arising from the disbursement of public money too frequently, it is to be feared, invite appropriations for objects of this character that are neither necessary nor use ful. The number of light-house keepers is already very Large, and the bill before me proposes to add to it fiftyone more, of various descriptions. From representations upon the subject which are understood to be entitled to respect, I am induced to believe that there has not only been great improvidence in the past expenditures of the Government upon these objects, but that the security of navigation has, in some instances, been diminished by the multiplication of light-houses, and consequent change of lights, upon the coast. It is in this, as in other respects, our duty to avoid all unnecessary expense, as well as eve. ry increase of patronage not called for by the public ser-propriate concerns of individuals. vice. But, in the discharge of that duty in this particular, it must not be forgotton that, in relation to our foreign commerce, the burden and benefit of protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people through the custom house. It is indisputable, that what. ever gives facility and security to navigation, cheapens imports; and all who consume them are alike interested in whatever produces this effect. If they consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise, they do not pay. The consumer in the most inland State derives the same advantage from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our foreign comincrce and navigation, that he does who resides in a maritine State. Local expenditures have not, of themselves, a correspondent operation.

A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately change the character of this Government, by consolidating into one the General and State Governments, which were intended to be kept forever distinct. I cannot perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptions can be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and consequently subject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the Constitution. If the interest of the Government in private companies is subordinate to that of individuals, the management and control of a portion of the public funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitution, and beyond the supervision of our constituents: if superior, its officers and agents wil! be constantly exposed to imputations of favoritism and oppression. Direct prejudice to the public interest, or an alienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people, may, therefore, in addition to the general discredit resulting to the Government from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary speculations, be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations. It is no answer to this objection to say that the extent of consequences like these cannot be great from a limited and sinall number of investments: because experience in other matters teaches us, and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions, that, unless an entire stop be put to them, it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation, until they are spread over the whole country, and made to embrace many of the private and ap

From a bill making direct appropriations for such ob

The power which the General Government would ac quire within the several States by becoming the principal stockholder in corporations, controlling every canal and each sixty or hundred miles of every important road, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is almost inconceivable, and, in my view, dangerous to the liberties of the people.

This mode of aiding such works is, also, in its nature, deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of the national funds. Appropria tions will be obtained with much greater facility, and granted with less security to the public interest, when the measure is thus disguised, than when definite and direct expenditures of money are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular objects. In a Government like ours, more especially, should all

consider it either honest or wise to purchase local favor at the sacrifice of principle and the general good.

public acts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for the approbation or animadversion of the people. The So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and Port- satisfied that the best interests of our common country land canal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty imperiously require that the course which I have recomof withholding additional appropriations for the same ob-mended in this regard should be adopted, I have, upon ject, when the first erroneous step has been taken by in- the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it. stituting a partnership between the Government and pri- It is due to candor, as well as to my own feelings, that vate companies. It proposes a third subscription on the I should express the reluctance and anxiety which I must part of the United States, when each preceding one was at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right at the time regarded as the extent of the aid which Go- of the Executive to withhold his assent from bills on other vernment was to render to that work; and the accompa- grounds than their unconstitutionality. That this right nying bill for light-houses, &c. contains an appropriation should not be exercised on slight occasions, all will adfor a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its mit. It is only in matters of deep interest, when the improvement, by removing the obstruction which the ca- principle involved may be justly regarded as next in im nal is designed to avoid. This improvement, if success-portance to infractions of the Constitution itself, that ful, would afford a free psssage to the river, and render such a step can be expected to meet with the approba· the canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is the tion of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientious course of legislation subject, in relation to internal im-ly believe the present to be. In the discharge of this provements on local matters, even with the best inten- delicate and highly responsible duty, I am sustained by tions on the part of Congress. the reflection that the exercise of this power has been deemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of my predecessors; and by the persuasion, too, that, whatever liberal institutions may have to fear from the encroachments of Executive power, which has been In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions every where the cause of so much strife and bloody conto the Maysville and Rockville Road Companies, I ex- tention, but little danger is to be apprehended from a prepressed my views fully in regard to the power of Concedent by which that authority denies to itself the exer gress to construct roads and canals within a State, or to cise of powers that bring in their train influence and pa appropriate money for improvements of a local character. tronage of great extent; and thus excludes the operation 1, at the same time, intimated my belief that the right to of personal interests, every where the bane of offical make appropriations for such as were of a national cha-trust. I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from racter had been so generally acted upon, and so long the reflection, that, if I have mistaken the interests and acquiesced in by the Federal and State Governments, and wishes of the people, the Constitution affor Is the means the constituents of each, as to justify its exercise on the of soon redressing the error, by selecting for the place ground of continued and uninterrupted usage; but that it their favor has bestowed upon me a citizen whose opiwas, nevertheless, highly expedient that appropriations, nions may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean even of that character, should, with the exception made time, the interests of the nation will be saved from preat the time, be deferred until the national debt is paid, judice, by a rigid application of that portion of the public and that, in the mean while, some general rule for the ac- funds which might otherwise be applied to different ob tion of the Government in that respect ought to be esta jects to that highest of all our obligations, the payment blished. of the public debt, and an opportunity be afforded for the adoption of some better rule for the operations of the Governinent in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon.

Although the motives which have influenced me in this matter may be already sufficiently stated, I am, nevertheless, induced by its importance to add a few observations of a general character.

These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the question then before me, and were, I readily ad mit, intended to awaken the attention, and draw forth the opinions and observations, of our constituents, upon Profoundly impressed with the importance of the suba subject of the highest importance to their interests, and ject, not merely as it relates to the general prosperity of one destined to exert a powerful influence upon the fu- the country, but to the safety of the federal system, I cair ture operations of our political system. I know of no not avoid repeating my carnest hope that all good citi tribunal to which a public man in this country, in a case zens, who take a proper interest in the success and hur of doubt and difficulty,can appeal with greater advantage mony of our admirable political institutions; and who are or more propriety, than the judgment of the people; and incapable of desiring to convert an opposite state of although I must necessarily, in the discharge of my offi- things into means for the gratification of personal ambr cial duties, be governed by the dictates of my own judg-tion-will, laying aside minor considerations, and discardment, i have no desire to conceal my anxious wish to con- ing local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to estab form, as far as I can, to the views of those for whom I act.lish some fixed general principle, which shall be calcu All irregular expressions of public opinion arc of neces-lated to effect the greatest extent of public good in resity atten led with some doubt as to their accuracy: but, gard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford making full allowances on that account, I cannot, I think, the least ground for sectional discontent. deccive myself in believing that the acts referred to, as The general ground of my objection to local appropri well as the suggestions which I allowed myself to make ations has been heretofore expressed; and I shall endea in relation to their bearing upon the future operations vor to avoid a repetition of what has been already urgedof the Government, have been approved by the great bo the importance of sustaining the State sovereignties, as dy of the people. That those whose immediate pecuniary far as is consistent with the rightful action of the Federal interests are to be affected by proposed expenditures Government, and of preserving the greatest attainable should shrink from the application of a rule which pre-harmony between them. I will now only add an expres fers their more general and remote interests to those sion of my conviction-a conviction which every day's which are personal and immediate, is to be expected. experience serves to confirm that the political creed But even such objections must, from the nature of our which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a population, be but temporary in their duration; and if it paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we were otherwise, our course should be the same, for the are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire time is yet, I hope, far distant, when those entrusted with system, and to which we must alone look for its future power to be exercised for the good of the whole, will stability.

President's Message.

That there are diversities in the interests of the different States which compose this extensive confederacy, must be admitted. Those diversities, arising from situation, climate, population, and pursuits, are doubtless, as it is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated by jealousies, and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neigh boring communities. These circumstances make it the duty of those who are entrusted with the management of its affairs to neutralize their effects as far as practicable, by making the beneficial operation of the Federal Government as equal and equitable among the several States as can be done consistently with the great ends of its institution.

It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts, to sec how far the past acts of the Government upon the subject under consideration have fallen short of this object. The oxpenditures heretofore made for internal improve ments amount to upwards of five millions of dollars, and have been distributed in very unequal proportions amongst the States. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that of others projected and partially surveyed, amount to more than ninety-six millions of dollars.

[21st CoNG. 2d SESS.

They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, on the following grounds: 1st, an objection to the ratio of distribution; 24, an apprehension that the existence of such a regulation would produce improvident and oppressive taxation to raise the funds for distribution; 3d, that the mode proposed would lead to the construction of works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such as are general, and as would consequently be of a more useful character; and, last, that it would create a discreditable and injurious dependence, on the part of the State Governments, upon the federal power. Of those who object to the ratio of representation as the basis of distribu|tion, some insist that the importations of the respective States would constitute one that would be more equitable; and others, again, that the extent of their respec tive territories would furnish a standard which would be more expedient, and sufficiently equitable. The ratio of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still does, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of contribution, whether the funds to be distributed De derived from the customs or from direct taxation. does not follow, however, that its adoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed. There may be considerations appertaining to the subject which would render a departure, to some extent, from the rule of contribution, proper. Nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distribution be confined to one ground. It may, if, in the judgment of those whose right it is to fix it, it be deemed politic and just to give it that charac

That such improvements, on account of particular circumstances, may be more advantageously and beneficially made in some States than in others, is doubtless true; but that they are of a character which should prevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several States, is not to be conceded. The want of this equitable distribution cannot fail to prove a prolific source of ir-ter, have regard to several. ritation amongst the States.

It

In my first message, I stated it to be my opinion that We have it constantly before our eyes, that professions" it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff upon of superior zeal in the cause of internal improvement, and principies satisfactory to the people of the Union, will, a disposition to lavish the public funds upon objects of until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government with that character, are daily and earnestly put forth by aspi- out a considerable surplus in the treasury beyond what rants to power, as constituting the highest claims to the may be required for its current service.' I have had no confidence of the people. Would it be strange, under cause to change that opinion, but much to confirm it. such circumstances, and in times of great excitement, Should these expectations be realized, a suitable fund that grants of this description should find their motives in would thus be produced for the plan under consideration objects which may not accord with the public good? to operate upon; and if there be no such fund, its adopThose who have not had occasion to see and regret the tion will, in my opinion, work no injury to any interest; indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past for I cannot assent to the justness of the apprehension times, have been more fortunate than myself in their ob- that the establishment of the proposed system would tend servation of the course of public affairs. If to these evils to the encouragement of improvident legislation of the be added the combinations and angry contentions to character supposed. Whatever the proper authority, in which such a course of things gives rise, with their bale- the exercise of constitutional power, shall, at any time ful influences upon the legislation of Congress touching hereafter, decide to be for the general good, will, in that the leading and appropriate duties of the Federal Go- as in other respects, deserve and receive the acquiesvernment, it was but doing justice to the character of our cence and support of the whole country; and we have people to expect the severe condemnation of the past ample security that every abuse of power in that regard, which the recent exhibition of public sentiment has evinced. by the agents of the people, will receive a speedy and Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the effectual corrective at their hands. The views which I Government upon the subject, can, in my opinion, reme- take of the future, founded on the obvious and increasing dy the evil. if, as it would be natural to expect, the improvement of all classes of our fellow-citizens, in intelStates which have been least favored in past appropria-ligence, and in public and private virtue, leave me withtions should insist on being redressed in those hereafter to be made, at the expense of the States which have so largely and disproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, but little security that the attempt would do more than change the inequality from one quar

ter to another.

Thus viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty to recommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplus funds which may at any time remain in the treasury after the national debt shall have been paid, among the States, in proportion to the number of their representatives, to be applied by them to objects of internal improvement.

Although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the Union, it has also elicited objections which merit deliberate consideration. A brief notice of these objections here will not, therefore, I trust, be regarded as out of place.

out much apprehension on that head.

I do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as we are to the obligation upon all the trustees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burdens; and as sensible of the great truth, that the resources of the nation, beyond those required for the immediate and necessary purposes of Government, can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people.

It may sometimes happen that the interests of particular States would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to improvement within such States. But, if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion might be reserved to Congress to direct, to such improvements of a general character as the States concerned might not be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction of confining to each State the ex

penditure of its appropriate quota. It may, however, be assumed as a safe general rule, that such improvements as serve to increase the prosperity of the respective States in which they are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the surest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the whole. The strength, as well as the true glory, of the confederacy, is mainly founded on the prosperity and power of the several independent sovereignties of which it is composed, and the certainty with which they can be brought into successful, active co-operation, through the agency of the Federal Government.

general weal. Unless the American people have degenerated, the same result can be again effected, whenever experience points out the necessity of a resort to the same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared. It is beyond the power of man to make a system of government like ours, or any other, operate with precise equality pon States situated like those which compose this Confederacy; nor is inequality always injustice. Every State cannot expect to shape the measures of the General Government to suit its own particular interests. The causes which prevent it are seated in the nature of things, and cannot be entirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance, therefore, becomes a duty obligatory It is, moreover, within the knowledge of such as are upon all; and we may, I am confident, count on a cheerat all conversant with public affairs, that schemes of in-ful compliance with this high injunction, on the part of ternal improvement have, from time to time, been pro our constituents. It is not to be supposed that they will posed, which, from their extent and seeming magnifi-object to make such comparatively inconsiderable sacri cence, were regarded as of national concernment; but which, upon fuller consideration and further experience, would now be rejected with great unanimity.

fices for the preservation of rights and privileges, which other less favored portions of the world have in vain wad ed through seas of blood to acquire..

Our course is a safe one, if it be but faithfully adhered to. Acquiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of the majority, and the exercise of that will in a spirit of moderation, justice, and brotherly kindness, will con stitute a cement which would forever preserve our Union, Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like these, render a most essential service to their country; whilst those who seek to weaken their influence, are, however conscientious and praiseworthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemics.

That the plan under consideration would derive important advantages from its certainty; and that the moneys set apart for these purposes would be more judiciously applied and economically expended under the direction of the State Legislatures, in which every part of each State is immediately represented, cannot, I think, be doubted. In the new States particularly, where a comparatively small population is scattered over an extensive surface, and the representation in Congress consequently very limited, it is natural to expect that the appropriations made by the Federal Government would be more likely to be expended in the vicinity of those members through whose immediate agency they were obtained, than if the funds were placed under the control of the Legislature, in which every county of the State has its own representative. This supposition does not necessa rily impugn the motives of such Congressional representatives, nor is it so intended. We are all sensible of the bias to which the strongest minds and purest hearts are, under such circumstances, liable. In respect to the last objection, its probable effect upon the dignity and inde- After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a pendence of the State Governments, it appears to me on-plan wholly free from objection. That which has for ly necessary to state the case as it is, and as it would be if some time been in operation is, perhaps, the worst that the measure proposed were adopted, to show that the could exist; and every advance that can be made in its operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most which the objection supposes. deliberate attention.

If the intelligence and influence of the country, instead of laboring to foment sectional prejudices, to be made subservient to party warfare, were, in good faith, applied to the eradication of causes of local discontent, by the improvement of our institutions, and by facilitating their adaptation to the condition of the times, this task would prove one of less difficulty. May we not hope that the obvious interests of our common country, and the dictates of an enlightened patriotism, will, in the end, lead the public mind in that direction.

Its very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects in view may yet be devised. If so, it is to be hoped that those who disapprove of the past, and dis sent from what is proposed for the future, will feel it their duty to direct their attention to it, as they must be sensi

In the one case, the State would receive its quota of the national revenue for domestic use, upon a fixed principle, as a matter of right, and from a fund to the creation of which it had itself contributed its fair proportion. Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. As matters now stand, the States themselves, in their sove-ble that, unless some fixed rule for the action of the Fereign character, are not unfrequently petitioners at the bar of the Federal Legislature for such allowances out of the national treasury as it may comport with their pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon them. It cannot require argument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with the efficiency or respectability of the State Governments.

deral Government in this respect is established, the course now attempted to be arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated to give the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation upon the subject-which shall best serve to keep the movements of the Federal Government within the sphere intended by those who modelled and those who adopted it—which shall lead to the extinguishment of the national debt in the shortest period, and impose the lightest burdens up. on our constituents, shall receive from me a cordial and firm support.

But all these are matters for discussion and dispassionate consideration. That the desired adjustment would be attended with difficulty, affords no reason why it should not be attempted. The effective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoption of the ConstituAmong the objects of great national concern, I cannot tion under which we have so long lived, and under the omit to press again upon your attention that part of the benign influence of which our beloved country has so Constitution which regulates the election of President signally prospered. The framers of that sacred instru- and Vice President. The necessity for its amendment is ment had greater difficulties to overcome, and they did made so clear to my mind by the observation of its evils, overcome them. The patriotism of the people, directed and by the many able discussions which they have elicit by a deep conviction of the importance of the Union, pro-ed on the floor of Congress and elsewhere, that I should duced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance. Strict right was merged in a spirit of compromise, and the result has consecrated their disinterested devotion to the

be wanting to my duty were I to withhold another expression of my deep solicitude upon the subject. Our system fortunately contemplates a recurrence to first prin