chair. Douglass tried repeatedly to speak, but was interrupted by cheer after cheer, sometimes for the Union, sometimes for himself, and sometimes for South Carolina. He called himself for three cheers for liberty; and they were given unanimously; but three more followed for Governor Wise, who had threatened to hang him, as he did John Brown. At last his attempt to prevent his chair from being taken away for Mr. Howe brought about so much confusion that the hall was cleared by the police.

The next Sunday he gave his lecture on "SelfMade Men" before Theodore Parker's Society in the Music Hall, and before he closed, he said:

"The mortifying and disgraceful fact stares us in the face, that though Faneuil Hall and Bunker Hill Monument stand, freedom of speech is struck down." . . . “Even here in Boston, and among the friends of freedom, we hear two voices, one denouncing the mob that broke up our meeting on Monday as a base and cowardly outrage, and another deprecating and regretting the holding of such a meeting by such men at such a time. We are told that the meeting was ill-timed, and the parties to it unwise. Why, what is the matter with us? Are we going to palliate and excuse a palpable and flagrant outrage on the right of speech, by implying that only a particular description of person should exercise that right? Are we at such a time, when a great principle has been struck down, to quench the moral indignation which the deed excites by casting reflections upon those on whose persons the outrage has been committed? After all the arguments for liberty to which Boston has listened for more than a quarter of a century, has she yet to learn that the time to assert à right is when that right is called in question, and that the men of all others to assert it are the men to whom the right has been denied?"

Similar outrages took place soon after at the Janu

ary meeting of the M. A. S. S., and at other anti-slavery conventions, for instance at Syracuse, and at Albany, where Douglass was in serious danger, and the Mayor had to call out the militia. John Brown had given the North two songs, one saying that his soul was marching on, and another, which I heard sung in Boston by rioters, who would not let Emerson speak, and which spoke thus of the antislavery governor of Massachusetts:

"Tell John A. Andrew, John Brown 's dead!"

CHAPTER XI.

UNION FOREVER!

STATE after State was now seceding, to the open delight, not only of Phillips and Garrison but of Beecher and James Freeman Clark. Here, as well as

in canonizing John Brown, the Abolitionists naturally made themselves obnoxious to the great majority of Northerners, who were determined that the Union should be preserved and the laws enforced. The loyalty, which hissed at disunionism in the North, soon found itself much better employed in shooting at it in the South. The capture of Fort Sumter brought about a great popular uprising, in which all differences between Republican and Democrat, Unionist and Abolitionist disappeared. The North was united at last against the slave-holders; and the end of slavery was near.

Douglass had tried, in the April number of his "Monthly," to convince other Abolitionists, that dissolution of the Union would not help their cause. He was preparing to sail on the 25th of that month to Hayti, in whose condition he has always taken great interest. But when the great news came, he gave up the trip. His May number came out with the figures of the American eagle and the star-spangled banner, placed at the head of the first column, and accompanied by the motto, "Freedom for all, or Chains for

all." Even then he told the colored men to form militia companies at once, and make ready to obey the summons to enlist. He spoke in favor of the war on April 27, in Rochester, and often afterward in various parts of the North. He warned his hearers from the first, that the contest would be long and bloody. In his "Monthly" for October he says: "Our first business is to save our Government from destruction." He felt satisfied from first to last, that the mission of the war was not only the salvation of the Union, but the liberation of the slave; though he "trusted less to the virtue of the North than to the villany of the South."

He was not repelled either by the outrages upon fugitives to Union camps, or by occasional insults to himself. When he was announced to lecture in Syracuse on Thursday, November 14, on "The Rebellion, its Cause and its Remedy," placards were posted up, headed, "Nigger Fred Coming," and evidently meant to stir up a mob against "This reviler of the Constitution," "Traitor to his country," and "Arch-fugitive to Europe." The Mayor called out not only the entire police force, but also seventy special officers and forty-five cadets with bayonets. There was no disturbance either that night or the next, when Douglass delivered a lecture which was repeated that winter in Boston, in the Parker Fraternity Course, and entitled "Life Pictures."

Early in the year 1862 he gave a lecture in the Music Hall, Boston, in a course arranged by the Emancipation League, recently formed to agitate for abolition as a military necessity. Among the other speakers were Conway,Greeley, Boutwell, and Phillips.

Douglass was also employed for some weeks by the League as a lecturer in varions parts of New England. The tenor of his remarks is shown in an address, which was given on January 14, in Philadelphia, and began thus: "He is the best friend of his country, who at this tremendous crisis dares to tell his country-men the truth, however disagreeable that truth may be." He then spoke of the duty of the North to arm its strong, black hand, as well as its soft, white one, against the rebels. He added: "I believed ten years ago, that liberty was safer in the Union than out of the Union; but my Garrisonian friends could not see it, and in consequence dealt me some heavy blows. My crime was in being ten years in advance of them." He ended by saying: "I am for the war, for the Union, in any and every event."

On February 12, he made this protest in the Cooper Institute, against the talk about sending his people back to Africa:

"For a nation to drive away its laboring population is to commit political suicide." . . . “It is affirmed that the negro, if emancipated, could not take care of himself. My answer to this is, let him have a fair chance to try it. For two hundred years he has taken care of himself and his master into the bargain."

"Douglass's Monthly" was now published mainly for American readers, at the price of $1 a year, but still had agents in Great Britain. The reading matter was almost entirely about the war; but the last of the sixteen pages was regularly occupied with circulars designed to encourage emigration to Hayti. In the number for May, 1862, however, the editor spoke with regret of a petition of colored people in Wash