be successful on the floor of Congress. When in conflict with Daniel Webster, he pursued a course of unmitigated severity, as sharp as in the differences with the thirty-one teachers of Boston, which elicited a severe rebuke from his Herculean antagonist.

We will here quote the remarks of Webster, Cass, Moses Stuart, and the North American Review, in relation to Horace Mann. "Speaking of what I thought the impossibility of the existence of African slavery in New Mexico," says Mr. Webster, "I would not take pains to uselessly reäffirm an ordinance of nature, or to reenact the will of God. Everybody knew that by the will of God I meant that expression of the Divine purpose in the work of creation which had given such a physical formation to the earth in this region as necessarily to exclude African slavery from it forever. Everybody. knew I meant this, and nothing else. To represent me as speaking in any other sense was gross injustice. Yet a pamphlet has been put into circulation, in which it is said that my remark is 'undertaking to settle by mountains and rivers, and not by the ten commandments, the question of human duty.' 'Cease to transcribe,' it adds, 'upon the statute-book, what our wisest and best men believed to be the will of God, in regard to our worldly affairs, and the passions which we think appropriate to devils will soon take possession of society.' One hardly knows which most to condemn, the nonsense or the dishonesty of such commentaries of another's words. I know no passion more appropriate to devils than the passion for gross misrepresentation and libel. And others, from whom more fairness might have been expected, have not failed to represent me as arguing, or affording ground of argument, against human laws to enforce the moral law of the Deity. Such persons knew my meaning very well. They chose to pervert and misrepresent it. That is all." Lewis Cass, who had also taken the position of Mr. Webster,- that the physical circumstances of New Mexico will prevent the introduction of slavery in that country,

thus alludes to Horace Mann, in a speech, wherein he remarks that Mr. Mann says he speaks respectfully of those from whom he dissents, "while, at the same time, he attributes the motives of those who differ from him to what he says is 'technically a bid,' committing the too common error of measuring all other men by his own standard, after making that standard a mercenary one. It is evident he cannot conceive how a public man can act without a bid.' And, with a modesty and charity worthy of the school of dialectics of which I understand he is

a distinguished professor, he assigns to me the preeminence of making a greater 'sacrifice of consistency, honor and truth,' than any other public man, because I was the accepted candidate of the Democracy for the office of president. It has been my fortune to receive some complimentary notices, during my life; but rarely have I received a more acceptable one than the honor of such a censure from such a Mann. But he is not partial in his favors. He speaks of the 'waggery' of the distinguished senator from Kentucky, and of his 'practical joke,' in the effort to put a stop to the agitation of his country, and of 'the roar of laughter' which, 'like a feu de joie, would run down the course of ages,' were it not for its horrible consequences. Shade of Quintilian! what a figure for a disciple who invokes thy name, and appeals to thy authority!" Moses Stuart says of him, in "Conscience and the Constitution," that he can never speak of him but with respect. "The glowing ardor and eloquence of his compositions, the intense love of liberty with which he is inspired, the humanity by which he is actuated, the fine, scholar-like accomplishments which he exhibits, all command my respect and admiration. Whether his judgment and prudence are equal to his ardor and his energy, is another question, which is not before my tribunal. He professes the strongest regard and the highest respect for Mr. Webster, and avows, solemnly, his intention to treat him in a manner that corresponds with this avowal. But his impetuosity led him astray, after all. I do not suppose that such a gentleman as I take Mr. Mann to be designed to compliment himself, when he speaks of his words being cool as the iron of the telegraph wire, while his mind is like the lightning which darts through it. I am ready to acknowledge that there is not a little of the electric fire in Mr. Mann; but I cannot overlook the fact that this fire can sometimes scorch and smite down, as well as be the swift messenger of tidings. If Mr. Mann has performed something of the last office of electricity, he has given us, also, a pretty fair specimen of the first. A wanton surrender of the right of the north,' is not to be said of Daniel Webster. Swords would leap, if it were lawful and necessary, from hundreds of thousands of scabbards, to defend him against such an assault." The North American Review inquires, "Does Mr. Mann wish to be understood that he thinks the slave-owner is quite as likely to remove his slaves of African descent from a sunny and fertile region, producing an abundance of cotton, sugar and rice, to a cold and mountainous one, yielding little but

maize and potatoes, as he is to keep them where they are? If not,if he admits that so great a difference will probably induce most planters to keep their slaves at home, then, and to the full extent of such admission, he himself argues from physics to metaphysics, and 'determines the law of the spirit by geographical phenomena,' and 'undertakes to settle, by mountains and rivers, the question of human duty,' and 'looks at the thermometer to ascertain whether the people will obey the divine command,' and does half-a-dozen other antithetical and strange things; which all, however, amount to the same thing, namely, to the simple proposition, that men of property are usually also men of sense, and will not often remove their property from a place where it is valuable to one where it will be entirely worthless." The North American, however, gives Mr. Mann the credit of urging the ablest argument in favor of doing nothing that they have seen, or of insisting that the extreme northern doctrine shall be carried out upon every point, yielding to the south nothing, and of course giving up the hope of a settlement.

The blood of sorrow mantles on our cheeks, that Horace Mann, the very apostle of education, whom Andrew Combe has compared to Richard Cobden, as being equally at home with the facts and principles of education, and as fully sincere and in earnest, should, in a burst of vituperation, descend to such impulsive retort, in his rejoinder to Gen. Cass, as his epigrammatic puns here evince.

"As a general rule, I contemn punning," says Mr. Mann. "As a malignant attack upon any gentleman, for the accident of his name, it is wholly unpardonable. It is but barely justifiable, as a retort. To warn the general of the danger he encounters by indulging his love of punning, I will venture to subjoin a specimen or two of what might be easily and indefinitely extended:

"While Gen. Cass held territorial offices, he became renowned for the enormous quantities of rations he consumed. I have forgotten whether the number was such as to be represented by the Roman numeral L or C, the initial of his first or of his last name. If the latter, it would suggest the following:

"4. GASTRONOMICALLY.

Greedier than he that starved 'twixt stacks of hay,

An honest ass,

Our Jack devours C rations every day:

Hence y'clept CASS.

"I might," continues Mr. Mann, "thus carry the general through all the arts and sciences; but, if he is now disposed to say 'quits,' on the score of punning, I am, and will draw no more upon the assinine or CASSININE associations which his name suggests."

"Life is a book of which we can have but one edition," says Horace Mann; "as it is at first prepared, it must stand forever. Let each day's actions, as they add another page to the indestructible volume, be such that we shall be willing to have an assembled world to read it." Moreover, may we be watchful that the last chapter in the book shall be signalized by such a reform of past errors, and such devotion to past virtues, that the rising generation may resist the former, and cling to the latter.

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

JULY 4, 1843. FOR THE CITY AUTHORITIES.

OUR orator, after enlarging on the warlike spirit of our country, and its danger, remarks that "we may be informed that the great remedy is universal education. Only provide the school, and you will obtain the intelligent voter, conscious of the blessings he enjoys, and always ready to act in a manner that shall best preserve them. Now, it is by no means my disposition to undervalue the advantages that unquestionably follow from instruction generally diffused. I see and admit that it must form one of the pillars of our republican system of government. But it is

only one, and that not the most essential. What is there, I would ask, in the mere advancement of the intellectual powers of men, which will lead to effective resistance against the dazzling qualities of a successful warrior? Did Napoleon have no servile flatterers among the literary men of France? Have not poets, and historians, and orators, of all ages, united in extolling military success above every other kind of success? Do the annals of mankind award the proper degree of censure to the crimes of great conquerors, from Alexander the Great down to Cortez and Pizarro? Fellow-citizens! Our fathers manifested their patriotism by devotion to a principle. It was in defence of that principle that they took up arms. They manifested no aggressive spirit,

no disposition merely to acquire. The same temper will be maintained among us only by developing the high moral attributes of our nature, through the agency of a mild and catholic religious faith. This is the true sheet-anchor of our free institutions, and this can never be secured by mere instruction of the mind. Our people's highest duty, as a people, is self-restraint. The cry has gone out among us, Educate, educate, as if the schoolmaster were the sovereign remedy against the ills which unregulated passions occasion. But I would ask whether education has contributed nothing heretofore to the nursing of immoderate ambition? Has it never furnished fuel for unjustifiable popular excitement? Does it supply no means to confuse instead of clearing the sense of right and wrong? Does it never pander to power, whether residing in the many or in one man? Was not Julius Cæsar one of the most educated men of antiquity,—and yet how did this promote his patriotism? And, almost within our own day, do we not know that the most cultivated minds of France combined in an attempt to overthrow at once its religion and its social system? Yes: the fertile fields of that magnificent country were drenched with the blood of multitudes of its best citizens, because the arrogant intellect of its educated men chose to institute an idol-worship of philosophy for faith in the true God, and respect for the moral ties which bind man in society with his fellow-man.

Charles Francis, son of John Quincy Adams, was born at Boston, Sept. 13, 1807. When his father sailed for St. Petersburg, as minister to Russia, in the summer of 1809, the infant Charles and his mother went also with him, and he is the only surviving son. He entered the Boston Latin School in 1816, and graduated at Harvard College in 1825. He was a student at law in Washington city, and is