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of Thomas Jefferson was far more profound and conservative than the democracy of Andrew Jackson, and whether the Whig party of the present day is not more democratic than was the Federal party under John Adams? Indeed, it is our decided opinion, that the unrestrained freedom of party political discussion in our land has strengthened the bonds of the national union; and we heartily respond to the opinion of the immortal Jefferson, that "so we have gone on, and so we shall go. on, puzzled and prospering beyond example in history; and shall continue to grow, to multiply, and to prosper, until we exhibit an associa tion powerful, wise, and happy beyond what has yet been seen by men." The Statesman was not a source of pecuniary profit. Mr. Greene, having always been a decided advocate for regular nominations, and a firm supporter of the accustomed usages of the Democratic party, warmly sustained the nomination of William H. Crawford, in 1823, for the presidency. In this year, Mr. Greene was lieutenant of a militia company, and member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery company; but military habits were not congenial to his taste, and he soon laid aside the musket. At this period, a majority of the people of New England were advocates of John Quincy Adams; and the Boston Statesman felt the blighting influence of its unpopular cause, in the diminution of its patrons, and the loss of business. The termination of that contest having evinced that Andrew Jackson, although at the time without a party in New England, had received a larger number of Democratic votes than any other candidate, Mr. Greene directly assumed that fact as the most effective nomination that could be given, and pointed him out as the most suitable representative of all those who had opposed Adams, and who, remarks the Democratic Review, "were resolved to mark their indignant dissatisfaction at the manner in which Mr. Adams had been elected by the House of Representatives, by a determined opposition to his administration." However much the ire of the Democracy may have been excited at this decision of the house, we merely inquire whether they would not have pursued the same course in like circumstances. From that moment, the Statesman gave to the cause of Andrew Jackson, says the Democratic Review, "a firm, consistent, able and efficient support, through the whole struggle which resulted in his election in the year 1828;" at which period Mr. Greene was involved in great pecuniary loss, and in debt to a large amount.

Mr. Greene married Susan, a daughter of Rev. William Batchelder,

of Haverhill; and their son, William B., educated at West Point, formerly a lieutenant in the U. S. army, settled in the ministry at Brookfield, Mass., and married a daughter of Hon. Robert G. Shaw, of Boston.

While editor of the Statesman, Mr. Greene, by an intense application to books, acquired a fine taste for polite literature, and made himself familiar with several languages. In 1833 he published an address delivered before the Massachusetts Charitable Mechanic Association. In 1836 he published a compendious History of Italy, translated from the Italian. He was translator, also, of Tales from the German, 2 vols., published in 1837; and in 1843 he published Tales and Sketches from the German, Italian, and French. He has been a contributor to several annuals, and has a fine poetic fancy.

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Nathaniel Greene, in the year 1829, was appointed the post-master of Boston, which station he occupied until the accession of Gen. Harrison to the presidency, when he was succeeded by George William Gordon; and, although this was one of the first public removals of the new administration, yet one of the last measures of President Tyler was to reinstate Mr. Greene in the same office, which he occupied until after the election of Zachary Taylor, who appointed William Hayden, a former editor of the Boston Atlas, as his successor; but, upon the rejection of the latter by the Senate, Mr. Gordon was again appointed, in 1850. Mr. Greene had the reputation of conducting this department to the entire approval of the national executive, and, by his urbane and conciliatory deportment, to the satisfaction of the public in Boston; and his consistent and untiring devotion to the Democracy will ever endear his name to the party. It was declared of him, in a toast at the public festival after the delivery of the oration at the head of this article, that he "has portrayed the principles of Jackson Democracy with an eloquence and spirit corresponding with the talents and fortitude exhibited by the editor of the Boston Statesman." Since his retirement from public life, Mr. Greene has taken the tour of Europe.

In the course of remarks on the battle of New Orleans, Mr. Greene eloquently urges, in the oration, that the brightest flower in Jackson's wreath of victory was, that "he knew not only to conquer, but to spare. In the trying moment of victory, when the mind is peculiarly liable to excess, he evinced a tenderness for human life which does honor to his heart, and adds lustre to his triumph. The crisis is past,

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and the country is saved; he will not pursue a flying enemy, to swell the tide of victory by the unnecessary effusion of human blood,humanity is not compelled to weep over the laurels of victory. His country had intrusted to his hands the lives of her bravest defenders, and he was not unmindful of the sacred trust. He watched over them with paternal care; and it was his greatest pride to restore them unharmed to the country they had honored, to the sacred homes they had so gallantly protected. This it is which so richly entitles General Jackson to the praise bestowed upon his victorious companions-inarms, 'The gratitude of a country of freemen is yours, yours the applause of an admiring world.' How changed is the scene, this day, at New Orleans! There is no longer the stern look, the anxious brow, the tear in woman's eye. All, all are joyful, and festivity and triumph rule the hour. The people crowd around, and hail their deliverer. The men who stood by his side when the battle raged hasten to press the hand that waved encouragement to their hearts in that awful moment. Mothers, in the fulness of their gratitude, come forward to present their children for the blessing of the hero who saved the sons of Louisiana from slavery, and her daughters from violation. They will say to him, 'We remember that, on the night when the enemy landed, and you led your forces forth to meet him, you told us "The enemy shall never reach the city;" and well was your pledge redeemed. We offer to you the warm tribute of our gratitude, and will teach our children and our children's children to cherish the memory of their benefactor." "

JOSEPH HARDY PRINCE.

JULY 4, 1828. FOR THE WASHINGTON SOCIETY.

WAS born at Salem, and son of Capt. Henry Prince. He read law with Hon. John Pickering, after having graduated at Harvard College in 1819, and practised law in Boston. Was a representative for Salem in 1825. Was appointed an inspector of customs in 1834. He was private secretary for Com. Elliot, of the frigate Constitution, in 1835, on the voyage to France, for the return of Hon. Edward Livingston, the American minister, owing to differences with that

nation. He pursued the practice of law, and in 1848 was appointed to the surveyor's department of customs, at Boston. Mr. Prince has ever been tenaciously devoted to the Democratic party, and was an early advocate for Andrew Jackson. After the delivery of the oration at the head of this article, when Andrew Dunlap moved that a copy be requested for the press, Mr. Prince said, "If I have done anything towards re-kindling the fire of the old Democracy, if I have contrib uted a pebble to the pile in the cause of principle against corruption, I shall be satisfied." The reply to objections to the qualifications of the old Roman for the presidency is thus impassionedly poured out in caustic severity:

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"Stand forth, ye spawners of fustian romance and lascivious lyric! ye ribald rhymesters of Dusky Sally! ye professors of rhetoric! ye modern Priscians! tear from the brow of the war-worn veteran and patriot their hard-earned laurels! Vindicate your claims to political promotion and civil honors! I would be the last to decry the cultivation of a correct and elegant literature. It is our Corinthian column, that gives grace and dignity to our institutions, and adorns and elevates national character. We have yet to see our Augustan age, the age when Roman literature flourished, and Roman freedom drooped. It is true that men distinguished as orators, poets and philosophers, have risen among us; but we have not yet produced that constellation of literary genius which is to guide and direct posterity. Our business has been to cement and strengthen the fabric, not to adorn it. There is a charlatanism of literature which enervates the intellect, and renders men unfit for the arena of the world, incapable of leading in government. I would apply to the amalgamation of the two characters of your mere man of literature and statesman the just and happy remark of a very great man-Mr. Brougham on the expediency of making clergymen magistrates. It is, that the combination produces what the alchemists call a tertian quid, with very little, indeed, of the good qualities of either ingredient, and no little of the bad ones of both, together with new evils, superinduced by the commixture. remark is equally just and applicable on either side of the water,— on the banks of the Thames, or on those of the Charles,—in the Middlesex of England, or the Middlesex of Massachusetts. Who were the ethereal spirits that achieved your Revolution? Who were your John Hancocks and your Patrick Henrys? Who were most of the immortal signers of the Declaration of Independence? They formed their esti

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imates of human character, not from books alone, but from a close observation of men in all ages, in all times. When Themistocles was asked to play on the lute, he replied, 'I cannot fiddle, but I know how to make a small city a great one.' He could not sing lascivious lyrics, but he had a practical knowledge of mankind. It is true that the Republican candidate is not familiar with the lucubrations of a. parson. He was not nurtured in the groves of the academy. He has never sported with Amaryllis in the shade, or with the tangles of a Nereis' hair; but he has the great talent of leading men, whether in the council or the field. He had not a wealthy aristocracy to stand his sponsors at the baptismal font, nor the nurses of an imperial court to amuse him with the innocent ribbons of royalty. No; the son of the west practised on the useful precepts of the Spartan chief, that the child should be instructed in the arts which will be useful to the man. At an early period of life he gave presages of his future eminence. Emerging from obscurity, fatherless, motherless, friendless, without a drop of his blood in the veins of any living creature, he has exhibited the spectacle of a man buffeting the waves of fortune, struggling with and surmounting the trying vicissitudes of place and condition. Like the mighty rivers of our country, whose sources are in the dark and hidden retreats of the mountains, whose grandeur owes nothing to art, dashing before their impetuous tide rocks, hills and forests, he stands the object of our gaze and admiration.”

JAMES DAVIS KNOWLES.

JULY 4, 1828. FOR THE BAPTIST CHURCHES, BOSTON.

Was born in Providence, R. I., July, 1798, and the second son of Edward Knowles, a worthy mechanic; married Susan E., daughter of Joshua Langley, of that city, in 1826. His father died when he was twelve years of age, and he was shortly apprenticed to a printer, where, by great diligence, he was enabled to become a contributor of prose and verse to newspapers, often attributed to writers of maturity. In July, 1819, Mr. Knowles was an associate editor of the R. L American. He often struck the lyre; and among the most felicitous efforts of his muse may be classed his stanzas attempting to supply the

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