"jesty might be jealous of, was the young Prince's being "brought up in the religion of the Church of England, "and that ought (for his royal Highness's sake especially) "to be the prayer of every honest loyal subject. He there"fore most earnestly implored the King not to make him "the unhappy instrument of so apparent a ruin to his "Majesty himself and the country, and not to suffer it to be "done by any other; for he could foresee nothing less from "it than the putting in hazard both his Majesty and the "Queen, and making England the most miserable nation in "the world."

Even Lord Dover himself, though a Roman Catholic, concurred in Dartmouth's decision. And once more James had to alter his plans. The infant and his nurse were brought back to London, and, in order to lull suspicion, the writs for the promised Parliament were actually issued.

But it was becoming harder and harder to keep the nation, and especially the Londoners, quiet. The citizens had been vehemently agitated ever since the first news of William's landing had reached them; and the suspense in which they had since been kept had increased the excitement, while each favourable event fomented their hatred of Popery. They began to show signs of an inclination to attack all the Roman Catholics. They broke into the houses of some of the most eminent Roman Catholic merchants. A proclamation, professing to have been issued by the Prince. of Orange, but whose style at once proved it to be a forgery in the judgment of every one possessed of sufficient calmness to exercise a critical judgment, was eagerly circulated, merely because it denounced all Papists, and especially those who adhered to the King, as barbarians and robbers, and invited all honest Protestants to attack them. And

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even the Lord Mayor of London so far yielded to, or encouraged the general feeling, that without a shadow of pretext to justify such an act, he issued warrants to search the houses of Roman Catholics for arms. The storm was already brewing, which, a few days later, was to burst so heavily..

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CHAPTER VII.

Commissioners from the King reach William's camp-Divisions among William's adherents - William declares his willingness to trust the decision of all disputes to a free Parliament-Lauzun conducts the Queen and Prince of Wales to France-James flies from LondonHe is stopped on the coast-Resolution adopted by the Council of Peers-Lord Feversham disbands the army-Great riots in London -The Prince advances to Windsor-James returns to London-The Peers request James to withdraw from London-James flies to France. MEANWHILE, from the most distant counties, intelligence was hourly arriving of fresh accessions of strength to the party of the invading Prince. The King's statue was thrown down at Newcastle; the garrison of Hull made prisoner of their governor, the Roman Catholic Lord Langdale; one peer in the Prince's interest seized Norwich, another roused Worcestershire. In Bristol, in Gloucester, in Oxford, the Protestant cause was equally triumphant; and meanwhile William himself was advancing with leisurely pace towards Salisbury, and from Salisbury to the metropolis. At Salisbury he received a most significant omen of his eventual and complete triumph, in the arrival at his quarters of Lord Clarendon himself, who, but a week or two before, had been horror-stricken at his son's desertion of the King, but who had thus soon learnt to follow his example. From Salisbury he bore up in a northerly direction to Hungerford, and at that small town, on the 8th of December, he met Halifax and his brother Commis

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sioners. Their first meeting was a singular one. They had desired a private interview, but he would only receive them at a public audience, and, when they had announced the proposals which they had been instructed to make, he declined giving any answer, but referred them to the English nobles and gentlemen by whom he was accompanied.

He even quitted the town and withdrew to Littlecote Hall, a country house in the neighbourhood, in order that he might leave the deliberations of his councillors the appearance of being unbiassed by his presence, though he reserved to himself the right of ultimate decision on the different matters that might be mentioned. He was acting with deep subtlety; his object was undoubtedly the attainment of the throne, but he was well aware that there were already two distinct parties among his followers, one of which, though as firm as the other in the resolution to withstand the King's violation of the laws and endeavours to exalt Popery, yet limited their views of opposition to putting such a constraint on him as should compel him to discard the evil counsellors to whose pernicious influence they attributed his errors, and would as yet have regarded, as to the last many of them did regard, his deposition as a sin against Heaven. The other party had no such scruples, if it may not even be said that they were inclined to welcome an opportunity of showing their disapproval of the doctrine of divine indefeasible right, which had been so constantly inculcated by the courtiers ever since the accession of the first Stuart; and William thought it far better for his own interest that the two parties should ventilate, and perhaps thus compose their differences in a discussion which should not be restrained by his presence, and the

result was that he was enabled to place himself in a favourable light as more inclined to amicable and moderate views than his advisers.

The proposals which the King's Commissioners had been instructed to make were, that all the matters in dispute, all the acts of which the malcontents complained, should be referred to the Parliament about to be assembled, and that in the meantime William should not advance his army within forty miles of London. The propositions seemed sufficiently reasonable, yet in William's Council those who sought the King's deposition were so superior in number to those who entertained a different view, that a majority resolved in rejecting them, and reported to the Prince their earnest advice that he should not consent to trust affairs to the decision of the new Parliament. It was a selfish feeling that prompted this resolution, for its chief advocates were some of the Commoners who had been for some time absent from their homes while attending the Prince, and who consequently despaired of securing seats in the House of Commons if an election were at once to take place; and the Prince, when their opinion was reported to him, declined to be bound by it. He saw that his own object could not be attained unless he established a character for moderation, and it was still more plain that persons who were complaining of infractions of the Constitution, could, in consistency, seek for no other than a constitutional remedy.

He therefore overruled his friends, though they pressed their views with great pertinacity, and determined that the answer to be given to the King's Commissioners should express a willingness to agree to their proposals, with a few additions; of which the most important were, that, as he was to be bound to keep his troops at a distance from