rebellion of 1848, who has since so distinguished himself as a general in the United States army in the great war. Close by was the portrait of Thomas Davis, the poet of the "Young Ireland" party, whose genius and patriotism have raised him to so high a place in the literature of Ireland. The appearance of men like these in the collection gives proof of the true national spirit in which the Exhibition was planned, and may well be an augury of happier times, when past political strifes will be merged in a common patriotism.

Of the four hundred portraits which formed the collection, a few were not of natives of Ireland, but of those who were associated with its history in public transactions. Such were Edmund Spenser, Sir Walter Raleigh, Oliver Cromwell and his son Henry, Charles I., Strafford, Schomberg, William III., and others of later times. But of Irish worthies what an illustrious host! Fitzgeralds, Boyles, Plunketts, Talbots, Wellesleys; Ussher, Berkeley, Burke, Goldsmith, Canning; Edgeworths, Sheridans, Lawrences, Drummonds; Grattan, Flood, Curran, Shiel, O'Connell, Moore, Lover, Maclise, Doyle, and a hundred more whose names are distinguished in British as well as in Irish annals, in arms or arts, in literature or statesmanship. Irish beauty also was represented: Elizabeth Gunning, one of the three Roscommon beauties; Fanny Jennings,

Duchess of Tyrconnel; the Duchess of Leinster, mother of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and his wife Pamela; the mother of the Wellesleys; and many more of lesser fame. For historical interest, rather than for artistic value,-though there were masterpieces of Vandyck, and Lely, and Kneller, and Reynolds, this portrait gallery was a truly national triumph, such as Ireland has not before witnessed.

Not less interesting in its way was the collection of Irish arts, industries, manufactures, and natural products, which occupied the "Leinster Hall," and formed another specially Irish department of the Exhibition. The general collection and the loan museum contained many valuable articles, paintings, and works of art of every description, such as we have been accustomed to see in the South Kensington exhibitions. But the Leinster Hall was the place of attraction to those who wished to study the products and the industries of Ireland. No one could examine this collection without feeling assured of great future development of the resources of the country. The natural products were there, and the knowledge, skill, and ingenuity of the people were never better displayed than in this exhibition. Of the mineral wealth of the country the specimen cases exhibited by the Irish Mining Company gave visible proof. Of the textile fabrics, lace and fancy work, for which Ireland is justly distinguished,

there was a wonderful display: woollen friezes, tweeds, and terries; Balbriggan hose; silk brocatelles and poplins; and every variety of the great flax and linen manufacture of the country. In the lace and needlework exhibition it was pleasant to see how much work came from industrial schools and reformatories and other institutions, telling of Irish charity as well as of Irish industry.

In other departments, the specimens of metalwork, leather-work, bog-oak and other wood-work, furniture, coach and car building, jewellery, porcelain and pottery, chemical products, not omitting stout and whisky, all attest skilled industry and varied resources, with the possibility of large increase of national wealth. Yet, in looking more carefully into the origin of the articles here collected, the sanguine feeling is checked in noting that they come from comparatively few places, not from all parts of the country. In some parts of the island there are busy sounds of industry, telling of manufacturing prosperity; in others, even where natural resources are not wanting, there are few signs of industrial life. There is no reason in the nature of things, in the sky above or in the soil below, why there should not be prosperity and progress in Munster as much as in Ulster, and it is to be hoped that the Irish will some day discover the cause of the difference.

CHAPTER XXIII.

STATE PURCHASE OF IRISH RAILWAYS.

Arguments for and Against-Imperial Grants to Ireland.

THE

HE purchase of the Irish Railways by the State has been for some time proposed, and a motion is to be again brought before the House of Commons by Sir R. Blennerhasset. It is a question upon which there is much to say on both sides. Reduction of fares, public convenience, and developing of the resources of the country, are the pleas for the purchase and management by the State. There are no less than fifty-six separate lines, the average length of Of course there is

each not above forty-eight miles.

a great amount of needless expense in management, with so many separate boards of directors, secretaries, managers, engineers, accountants, and office officials, most of which would be saved by a central united management. The reply to these pleas is, that the numerous companies ought themselves to combine or amalgamate, thereby saving the useless expenditure

in management, and dividing the profits of the united lines, in the ratio of the actual present profits. As to reduction of fares and freights, the Government could control such matters, if it is to interfere at all, without taking the responsibility of management. The principle of interference is already maintained in requiring parliamentary trains to be run at fixed rates.

There is no risk of great loss if the experiment is to be made, the estimated purchase price being about £30,000,000. It is estimated that at least £60,000 would be realized as net profit after paying all working expenses and interest. This is a small margin, which increased wages, increase of price of fuel, and other contingencies could easily turn to the wrong side of the account. However, there seems little objection on financial grounds. On grounds of political economy the precedent of the post-office and the telegraphic service can fairly be urged.

From what I could learn on the lines, the few which are prosperous have no wish to be interfered with; the less prosperous are anxious for the purchase. It is the shareholders of these lesser lines who chiefly keep up the agitation, though the public proposers of the purchase are no doubt actuated by patriotic motives, believing that the change will be for the benefit of the country. It is not apparent how this is to be effected by the mere transfer of the