parties stood on their own ground, firmly and fairly, without encroachment, all would be right."

As a contrast to Lord Lisgar's speech, listen to the words of a Roman Catholic priest at a meeting in Athy, who, after coarse abuse of the Duke of Leinster, said, "The whole transaction was a violation of the laws of the country, and of the commandment which prohibited men from taking their neighbour's goods." Another priest used more violent language, denouncing the Land Act as "a nullity, a humbug, and a sham. He trusted the tenants, with the help of God, would use the power which they now possessed, and that a conflagration would be caused in every county which would never be extinguished while there was a remnant of feudalism in the country. They would return tenant-farmers to Parliament, men who had ten times as much brains as were possessed by their big landlords, and they would create a fund to support these members. The landlords of Ireland were playing a dangerous game, for the people were beginning to know their rights, and were inquiring how the tenants of other countries rid themselves of such tyranny." The meeting resolved "to present a memorial to Government to repeal the clauses of the Land Act which enabled the tenants to contract themselves out of their rights, and that Ulster tenant-right should be extended all over Ire

land." This last proposal shows the ignorance that prevails as to Ulster tenant-right, which the speaker, who wished its extension to all Ireland, described as being "well-defined, and into which neither legal chicanery nor unmeaning verbiage could be introduced."

It is quite possible that the action of the Land Act will accelerate the consolidation of properties into larger farms, as many landlords will seek to be freed from the unusual bonds which the law puts them under in regard to small holders. But this is a change for other reasons desirable, and which was going on. before the passing of the Landlord and Tenant Act. Small tenancies, and subdivision of holdings, have been the bane of Irish agriculture. But the same objections do not apply to small freeholds, and the increase of such holdings, if they are not too small to involve a struggle, will be the best political defence of the country. There will be no fear of the overmultiplying of such properties, as in the days before the famine. The Irish have found the way across the Atlantic, and the young and able will go there, where they know they can better their condition, and not stay, as before, to starve on the potato patches into which the properties used to be subdivided,

In the Registrar-General's returns there is a table of the number of landowners, classified according to

the extent of land held,* and the entire extent of

land under each class divided thus :

Between 1861 and 1871 the farms under fifteen acres decreased in number 12,548, and in the same period farms above thirty acres increased in number 1,470. Between 1841 and 1861, holdings under fifteen acres declined 55 per cent. in number. It will be interesting to watch the effect of the Land Act in decreasing the number of holdings under fifty acres.

* The total area of holdings in 1866 was 20,190, 197 acres ; of which there were 5,520,568 in tillage, 10,004,244 in pasture. Plantation has much increased. More than an eighth of the land is still bog. The whole area of Ireland is 20,815,460 acres. There are 625,263 acres occupied by towns, villages, railways, canals, and water. About the same area is waste and uncultivated land. Between 1851 and 1861 the area under towns had increased 3,646 acres, showing that the diminished population was more rural than urban.

CHAPTER XVII.

IRISH FISHERIES.

Government Loans-Statistics of Coast and Deep Sea Fisheries

Salmon Fisheries.

E

VERY now and then we hear about Government loans to help the Irish fisheries.

Mr.

Lowe made reference to the subject in his famous Glasgow speech, in a way which provoked the wrath of the Irish press. Loans have been granted to a considerable amount, but the refusal to grant them on a larger scale, and for the mere asking, has become one of the stock grievances of the national agitators, and the matter deserves some consideration.

The Government "Inspectors of Irish Fisheries," in their First Report in 1869, stated that "no great improvement can be looked for in the sea fisheries until loans are advanced to a portion of the fishermen for the repair and purchase of boats and gear." In the Reports for 1870 and 1871 they say, "If much

longer time is allowed to pass without our suggestion being carried out, fishing industry will nearly expire on half the coast. Ten or twenty thousand pounds judiciously expended now, not as a gift, but as a loan, would do more good than a million given away half a dozen years hence." They say that "loans could be easily and inexpensively administered, and little or no loss would be likely to be incurred."

If these statements of the Inspectors are to be accepted as well grounded, the refusal or delay about the loans would be highly culpable. There is quite as much reason for advancing public money for this industry as for draining, or any agricultural improvement. In fact, the public importance of the fisheries makes a preferable claim, on the plea of keeping up a valuable nursery for the royal navy and mercantile marine. But the outcry about loans has been taken up hastily, and by those not best acquainted with the subject. It is easy for officials in Dublin to make the suggestion, which has probably been forced upon them by the landowners and priests, speaking in favour of the fishermen. But will these good neighbours give the necessary security for the repayment of the loan? To bestow money without security would relieve for a short time the appeals of the fishermen, but would perpetuate their indolent, improvident habits.

Even in the Appendix to the