extended, or modified, by reason of the action and decisions of Congress. Inquiries have also been instituted at their instigation during the past two-and-twenty years. This surely is a noble record of work actually accomplished. More has been attempted.

§ 61. Social Advancement.-When the Congresses were first instituted, labour representation, in any form, was but a dream, although Mr. Howell and Mr. Cremer were candidates at the election of 1868, the first-named for Aylesbury, and the latter for Warwick. The progress made since that date is quite marvellous, as the following facts will show:

In 1874, the late Mr. Alexander Macdonald and Mr. Thomas Burt were elected to sit in parliament; the former for Stafford, and the latter for Morpeth. At the same general election Mr. Howell stood again for Aylesbury, and Mr. Broadhurst for Wycombe, both being unsuccessful. Since that date, beginning in 1880, when Mr. H. Broadhurst was elected, and subsequently in 1885 and 1886 Mr. J. Arch, Mr. W. Crawford, Mr. W. R. Cremer, Mr. C. Fenwick, Mr. J. Leicester, Mr. B. Pickard, Mr. W. Abraham, Mr. J. Wilson, Mr. J. Rowlands, and the present writer, have all found seats in the House of Commons. Mr. J. Leicester, Mr. J. Wilson, and Mr. J. Arch, lost their seats in 1886, the remaining nine being still in the House of Commons. One Member, Mr. Broadhurst, was promoted to a position in Her Majesty's Government. Several have been members of Royal Commissions-namely, Mr. Applegarth, Mr. Broadhurst, Mr. Burt, Mr. Drummond, Mr. Birtwistle, and Mr. Shipton, while some others have recently been added to the list. Several have been appointed Justices of the Peace, such as Mr. H. Slatter, Mr. T. Birtwistle, Mr. W. Pickard, and Mr. J. Mawdsley. Several have been appointed Inspectors under the Factories and Workshops Acts, such as Mr. J. D. Prior, Mr. W. J. Davis, Mr. W. Paterson, Mr. A. Platt, Mr. J. Pearson, Mr. J. T. Birtwistle, and Mr. G. Sedgwick. Mr. G. Shipton and Mr. C. J. Drummond have been appointed Honorary Visitors of Convict Prisons; Mr. J. Burnett, as Labour Correspondent to the Board of Trade; and, in numerous instances, working men have won seats on School Boards, Municipal

Councils, Vestries, Local Boards, and, more recently, on County Councils; while Messrs. Birtwistle, Burnett, and Burt, were appointed by Her Majesty's Government to represent this country at the International Labour Conference called by the Emperor of Germany at Berlin. These appointments and positions give extended power and influence to the bodies of working men by whom such positions were obtained, and extend the sphere of usefulness of those who have been so elected or promoted.

§ 62. Summary of Cost.-The Tables in the Appendix show, in detail, the entire income and expenditure of the institution during the twenty-two years of its existence, and also the representation at each Congress. It will therefore be sufficient if a brief summary be given here.

(a) The entire income from delegates' fees has amounted to £1,417 10s.; the total expenditure in connection with the Congresses has been £1,037 19s. 5d., leaving a balance to the good, after payment of all expenses, of £379 10s. 7d. In one instance only did the expenses of Congress exceed the incomenamely, 1876, at Newcastle, when the deficit was £6 17s. 8d. The Congress balances are carried to the account of the Parliamentary Committee, yearly.

(b) The total income of the Parliamentary Committee, from the voluntary contributions of the trades, exclusive of the Congress balances, has amounted to £11,065 1s. 2d.; the aggregate expenditure has been £11,446 128.; the balance at the close of last Congress, as stated in the Report, was £68 168. 8d. There appears to be a slight inaccuracy somewhere, arising, perhaps, from the amalgamation of the two accounts a few years ago. Of the total expenditure, only some £2,860 178. have been paid as salaries, and £3,195 10s. 1d. as the cost of the meetings of the Parliamentary Committee and Delegations. The balance has been expended in printing, stationery, postage and parcels, parliamentary papers, rent, gas, fuel, office expenses, and clerical assistance. Truly it is a splendid record, for so trifling a cost to the great trade unions of the United Kingdom.

§ 63. Early Pioneers-Death's Doings.-It would scarcely

be becoming, in this record of work, to close this chapter without some reference to the early pioneers in this labour movement— to the men whose voices are now silent, and whose places know them no more. Death has been gathering in its harvest apace, since the first Congress met in Manchester, in Whitsun-week twenty-two years ago. It is fitting that some of these names should be recalled, and their labours remembered, especially at a time when the labourers in this vineyard appear to be so numerous, many of whom scarcely even remember the earlier workers, certainly never co-operated with them; were not in the struggle when dangers were braved, and the pioneer victories were won. Of those whose names figured in connection with the earlier Congresses, and who by their ability and character helped, not only to found the institution, but to direct its councils, and give it a permanent place in the land-many have departed; indeed, few remain. The best known, of those who are no more, are George Odger, William Allan, Daniel Guile, Alexander Macdonald, John Kane, Peter Shorrocks, Alfred Bailey, John Whalley, William Pickard, John Normansell, and later on, James S. Murchie. Some have dropped out of the ranks; others have been promoted to positions of honour and trust; a few remain to take part in the Congress, to be held at Liverpool, in September next. Such is the record of twentytwo years of laborious work, in connection with Trades Union Congresses.*

*For summary of dates, places, income, expenditure, etc., of the several Congresses, see Appendix.

CHAPTER XI.

LABOUR AND CAPITAL IN CONSULTATION AND DEBATE.

CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION IN TRADE DISPUTES.

I. BOARDS OF CONCILIATION.

§ 1. HITHERTO we have mainly considered capital and labour in the attitude of active antagonism, or at the best in the condition of heated debate. We have now to consider these two opposing elements in the reciprocal position of consultation, for mutual advantage. The value of conciliation, as applied to trade disputes, is almost beyond debate, except in so far as it relates to the method, and to the constitution of the board. Under the present conditions of the "labour market," and the circumstances attending the employment of large numbers of workmen by a single employer, firm, or company, conciliation is a duty which both parties owe to each other, and also to the State, which accords them its protection. It is obviously to their own interest and to the advantage of the public, that differences and difficulties affecting labour should be settled in an amicable manner; instead of which the disputants are generally found standing, arms akimbo, ready for a fight. There must always be two parties to a quarrel, and each thinks himself right. They commence by showing a bold front, defiance is the next step, then follows an open rupture. In disputes of this kind certain obstacles have necessarily to be overcome; but they are often fanciful, sometimes insignificant, always exaggerated, on both sides. The chief are: (1) The refusal of employers to

recognise the officers of the trade union, and meet them as agents of the men. As well may the men object to meet the foreman, overlooker, or secretary of an employers' association. (2) Some employers seem to regard sitting at the same table and talking over the rate of wages, hours of labour, and other matters, as being beneath their dignity, and as conceding too much. This, after all, is a mistaken policy, quite unworthy of the majority of employers, who are usually sensible, wellinformed, and tolerably educated men. (3) The workmen are equally to blame, for they quite as frequently refuse to make the slightest advance towards a conciliatory course. They will look askance at every effort to interpose, however well intended, and mediation would more often be resented, were it not for the wider experience of the leaders. And yet the men will look at the daily papers in the hope of seeing the smallest concession, and will almost pray for an indication of giving way; but they resolutely refuse to take the first step, and seldom offer the least facility for any mutual arrangement. This is very stupid; it originates in a prejudice against compromise, which, after all, is the basis of every settlement.

§ 2. The attitude assumed by the disputants closely resembles, and is quite as absurd as, that of two boys quarrelling and threatening each other, both of whom are unwilling to give in, and are yet afraid to strike the first blow-each hoping that the other will yield, and thereby avoid the necessity for a contest. There is on either side a false pride and foolish obstinacy. Neither party likes to be told so, nor will they admit its truth; nevertheless these disputes are usually the result of a headstrong policy, arising from a lack of knowledge, and of common courtesy in matters in which both have an equal interest. Such blunders will, it is hoped, gradually disappear with the spread of education, and the growth of a better feeling between employers and employed. This is the true remedy. By this alone can the hostility which now exists be eradicated. The whole question lies in a nutshell-Is brute force better than reason? If it be, then a costermonger may be a greater personage than a philosopher, and Tom Sayers might have been considered superior to John Stuart Mill! If any