especially the delay that must be occasioned by a revision and correction of all the separate constitutions. For it would take at least a year to convince thirteen states that the constitutions they have practised ever since the revolution, without observing any imperfections in them so great as to be worth the trouble of amendment, are nevertheless so ill formed as to be unfit for continuation, or to be parts of a federal government. And when they should be so convinced, it would probably take some years more to make the corrections. An eighth state has since acceded; and when a ninth is added, which is now daily expected, the constitution will be carried into execution. It is probable however that at the first meeting of the new Congress, various amendments will be proposed and discussed, when I hope your Ouvrage sur les principes et le bien des républiques en général, &c. &c. may be ready to put into their hands; and such a work from your hand I am confident, though it may not be entirely followed, will afford useful hints, and produce advantages of importance. But we must not expect that a new government may be formed, as a game at chess may be played, by a skilful hand, without a fault. The players of our game are so many, their ideas so different, their prejudices so strong and so various, and their particular interests, independent of the general seeming, so opposite, that not a move can be made that is not contested; the numerous objections confound the understanding; the wisest must agree to some unreasonable things, that reasonable ones of more consequence may be obtained, and thus chance has its share in many of the determinations, so that the play is more like tric-trac with a box of dice.

your

We are much pleased with the disposition of government to favor our commerce, manifested in the late réglement. You appear to be possessed of a truth which few governments are possessed of, that A must take some of B's produce, otherwise B will not be able to pay for what he would take of A. But there is one thing wanting to facilitate and augment our intercourse. It is a dictionary, explaining the names of different articles of manufacture, in the two languages. When I was in Paris I received a large order for a great variety of goods, particularly of the kind called hardwares, i. e. wares of iron and steel and when I showed the invoice to your manufacturers, they did not understand what kind of goods or instruments were meant by the names : nor could any English and French dictionary be found to explain them. So I sent to England for one of each sort, which might serve both as explanation and as a model; the latter being of importance likewise, since people are prejudiced in favor of forms they have been used to, though perhaps not the best. They cost me 25 guineas, but were lost by the way, and the peace coming on the scheme dropped. It would however, as I imagine, be well worth receiving. For our merchants say we still send to England for such goods as we want, because there they understand our orders, and can execute them precisely. With great and sincere esteem, I am, &c. B. FRANKLin.

SIR,

TO THE PRINTER OF THE EVENING HERALD.

The British news-writers are very assiduous in their endeavors to blacken America. Should we not

be careful not to afford them any assistance by censures of one another, especially by censures not well founded?

I lately observed in one of your papers the conduct of the state of Massachusetts reflected on as being inconsistent and absurd, as well as wicked, for attempting to raise a tax by a stamp act, and for carrying on the slave-trade.

The writer of those reflections might have considered, that their principal objection to the stamp tax was, its being imposed by a British parliament, which had no right to tax them, for otherwise a tax by stamps is perhaps to be levied with as little inconvenience as any other that can be invented. Ireland has a stamp act of its own; but should Britain pretend to impose such a tax on the Irish people, they would probably give a general opposition to it, and ought not for that to be charged with inconsistence.

One or two merchants in Boston, employing ships in the abominable African trade, may deservedly be condemned, though they do not bring their slaves home, but sell them in the West Indies. The state as such, has never, that I have heard of, given encouragement to the diabolical commerce; and there has always been fewer slaves in the New England governments, than in any other British colonies. National reflections are seldom just, and a whole people should not be decried for the crimes of a few individuals.

Your inserting this may make that brave people some amends, and will oblige one of your customers, who is A PENNSYLVANIAN.

ΤΟ

SIR,

Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1790.

I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me respecting the construction of the eleventh article of the treaty of commerce between France and the United States. I was indeed one of the commissioners for making that treaty; but the commissioners have no right to explain the treaty. Its explanation is to be sought for in its own words; and in case it cannot be clearly found there, then by an application to the contracting powers.

I certainly conceived that when the droit d'aubaine was relinquished in favor of the citizens of the United States, the relinquishing clause was meant to extend to all the dominions of his most Christian Majesty; and I am of opinion that this would not be denied if an explanation were requested of the court of France; and it ought to be done, if any difficulties arise on this subject in the French islands, which their courts do not determine in our favor. But, before Congress is petitioned to make such request, I imagine it would be proper to have the case tried in some of the West India Islands, and the petition made in consequence of a determination against us. I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

MEMOIRE*

DE

SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE.

Trois Objets

tion.

OU

PROJET DU LORD ROCHEFORD, POUR EM-
PECHER LA GUERRE.

[ANECDOTE HISTORIQUE.]

(Not to diminish from the Originality of this Document, neither the phraseology, grammar, nor orthography, has been corrected.)

Confédération AVANT que la France se fut declarée pour l'Amégénérale. rique, Lord Rocheford, autrefois ambassadeur en Espagne et en France, formoit un projet pour empêcher la guerre. C'étoit que l'Angleterre, proposeroit un grand traité de confédération entre la France, l'Espagne, le Portugal et l'Angleterre, qui devoit avoir trois objets. Le premier, une de Confédéra- garantie mutuelle entre ces quatre puissances de leurs possessions dans l'Amérique et dans les deux Indes, avec une provision qu'une guerre dans l'Europe ne seroit jamais une guerre dans ces rémotes régions sous quelque pretexte que ce soit, et fixant le nombre des troupes et des vaisseaux que les puissances contractantes devoient fournir contre la puissance contrevenante la paix dans ces régions remotes. Le second objet étoit à donner une participation de commerce de l'Amérique à la France, l'Espagne, et le Portugal, autant qu'une telle participation ne seroit incompatible avec les intérêts communs et sans rivalité de l'Amérique Angloise et de l'Angleterre.

Le troisième objet étoit l'ajustement des privi

• Referred to in p. 57. of vol. I.