it stands exactly on the same foundation as that clause which provides for the return of fugitives from justice, or that which declares that no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed, or that which provides for an equality of taxation according to the census, or the clause declaring that all duties shall be uniform throughout the United States, or the important provision that the trial of all crimes shall be by jury. These several articles and clauses of the Constitution, all resting on the same authority, must stand or fall together. Some objections have been urged against the details of the act for the return of fugitives from labor; but it is worthy of remark, that the main opposition is aimed against the Constitution itself, and proceeds from persons, and classes of persons, many of whom declare their wish to see that Constitution overturned. They avow their hostility to any law which shall give full and practical effect to this requirement of the Constitution. Fortunately, the number of these persons is comparatively small, and is believed to be daily diminishing, but the issue which they present is one which involves the supremacy, and even the existence, of the Constitution.

Cases have heretofore arisen in which individuals have denied the binding authority of acts of Congress, and even States have proposed to nullify such acts upon the ground that the Constitution was the supreme law of the land, and that those acts of Congress were repugnant to that instrument; but nullification is now aimed, not so much against particular laws as being inconsistent with the Constitution, as against the Constitution itself; and it is not to be disguised that a spirit exists, and has been actively at work, to rend asunder this Union, which is our cherished inheritance from our Revolutionary fathers.

In my last annual message I stated that I considered the series of measures which had been adopted at the previous session in reference to the agitation growing out of the territorial and slavery questions as a final settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embraced; and I recommend adherence to the adjustment established by those measures, until time and experience should demonstrate the necessity of further legislation to guard against

evasion or abuse. I was not induced to make this recommendation because I thought those measures perfect, for no human legislation can be perfect. Wide differences and jarring opinions can only be reconciled by yielding something on all sides, and this result had been reached after an angry conflict of many months, in which one part of the country was arrayed against another, and violent convulsion seemed to be imminent. Looking at the interests of the whole country, I felt it to be my duty to seize upon this compromise as the best that could be obtained amid conflicting interests, and to insist upon it as a final settlement, to be adhered to by all who value the peace and welfare of the country. A year has now elapsed since that recommendation was made. To that recommendation I still adhere, and I congratulate you and the country upon the general acquiescence in these measures of peace which has been exhibited in all parts of the Republic. And not only is there this general acquiescence, but the spirit of conciliation which has been manifested in regard to them in all parts of the country has removed doubts and uncertainties in the minds of thousands of good men concerning the durability of our popular institutions, and given renewed assurance that our liberty and our Union may subsist together for the benefit of this and all succeeding generations.

CHAPTER XIV.

KOSSUTH PRANCES THROUGH THE UNITED STATES-EXTRAORDINARY SCENES-RESULTS-"THE

FOR

UNITED AMERICANS."

OR several years there had been much interest felt in this country in the struggles of Hungary, and besides the hot speeches and demonstrations of the people, the Administration of General Taylor, and then that of his successor, displayed strong sympathy in behalf of Louis Kossuth and his followers. Mr. Clayton, Secretary of State, by order of President Taylor, had instructed the American Minister in Constantinople to offer Kossuth and his immediate followers an asylum in the United States. But this request the Sublime Porte," who had become Kossuth's keeper at the instance of the Emperor of Austria, could not then grant. Under Mr. Fillmore this offer was again put forward, and this time with more success. Although the Turkish government had undertaken to detain Kossuth only one year, Austria decidedly opposed the proposition from America, and not until England had, by her Minister, Stratford Canning, exerted her influence to the same end, did the Porte consent to go contrary to the wish of Austria, and in August, 1851, allow the departure of Kossuth, his wife and children,

and immediate political followers, in the American frigate Mississippi.

In compliance with the recommendation of the President, Wm. H. Seward and Henry S. Foote introduced resolutions in Congress providing for the reception of Kossuth. By a large majority in both Houses it was finally decided that "Congress, in the name and behalf of the people of the United States, give Louis Kossuth a cordial welcome to the Capital and the country." But this was not effected without opposition. It was wisely and fittingly argued by those averse to Congress taking such a step that La Fayette, who had real claims upon the country, was the only foreigner who had received a national welcome; that there was no example giving sanction to such a course; that the friendship between nations at peace made it improper; that the freedom of the world was best advanced by our example in cultivating peace and prosperity at home, and that it had always been the national policy to avoid entanglements in the affairs of foreign nations. The friends of the resolution met these arguments by specious appeals mainly to the generosity and sympathy of the country.

Kossuth desired to pass from Marseilles through France, but the French government refusing to grant him this privilege, he left the American vessel at Gibraltar, and in an English steamer was landed at Southampton, October 23d. After a favorable reception in England he sailed for the United States, and on the 5th of December, 1851, entered New

York harbor, and on the following day was landed at Castle Garden, and for several days was about the only object of public interest in the great city. Invitations were sent, or carried by deputations, from various parts of the country to him; and from first to last the demonstrations of sympathy and respect for him and his cause were wonderful beyond anything of the kind which has ever been exhibited in this country. This fact, no doubt, gave additional boldness, and, may be, officious and insulting impertinence to his speeches and acts. His free use of the language of this country, his fine oratoric ability, and his good general knowledge of the history and Government of the country, surprised and fascinated people of every class; but his assumption as a teacher of law and duty to a nation. of free politicians, and his utter ignoring of the established practices of this Government, and the common mode of Constitutional interpretation and views of republicanism, as well as Christian charity, disappointed and chagrined many.

In his re

Seeing the folly of the people as well as that of Kossuth, the President and his Cabinet decided to give him a formal reception; and the Senate also especially pointed out the danger into which popular sympathy might lead the Government. ception speech, in New York, Kossuth declared against the policy of non-intervention in foreign affairs recommended by Washington and mainly by all those who came after him, and more than intimated that the best informed of the people of this