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1912. books, they found a course of precedents to the contrary: day and the schedule, by which the archbishop prorogued them,
when the royal writ was sent him, did, in express words, continue all things, in the state in which they were then, to their next meeting. Yet this did not satisfy Atterbury and his party ; so the lower house ordered him to lay the matter before the attorney-general for his opinioni : he did that very partially, for he did not fhew him the paper sent down by the bishops ; he only gave him a very defective abstract of it. Whereupon the attorney-general gave him such an anfwer as he defired, by which it was very plain, that he was not rightly informed about it. The bishops refolved to adhere to the method of former convocations, and not to begint matters afresh, that had been formerly near finished. By this means they were at a full stop, so that they could not determine those points, which had been recommended to them by the queen: but they entered upon new ones. As an act had passed for building fifty new churches, an office was prepared for confecrating churches and church
yards. Censure on The cenfure that paffed on Whiston, in the former sefWhifton's
fion, was (as hath been said) laid before the queen for her book not confirmed approbation. But, at the opening of this session, in Decemby the queen, ber, the bishops, finding no return was come from the
throne, fent two of their number to receive her majesty's pleafure in at matter. The archbishop was so ill of the gout, that he came not to the convocation all the winter.
The queen had put the cenfure into the hands of some of her ministers, but could not remember to whom she gave it: fo a new extract was sent to her, and the said, she would fend her pleasure upon it very speedily: but none came this feffion. So all further proceedings were stopped, since the queen did not confirm what was done.
There appeared at this time an inclination in many the clergy, to a nearer approach towards the church of Rome; Hicks, an ill-tempered man, who was now at the head of the jacobite party, had in several books promoted a notion, that there was a proper sacrifice made in the eucharist, and had on many occafions studied to lessen our aversion to popery. The supremacy of the crown in ecclefiaftical matters, and the method in which the reformation was carried, was openly condemned: one Brett had preached a fermon, in several of the pulpits of London, which he af: terwards printed; in which he pressed the necessity of priestly absolution, in a strain beyond what was prétended to, even
in the church of Rome : he said no repentance could serve 1712.
(i) Dodwell gave the rise to time, in which the canon of the this conceit, He was a very New Testament was settled; he learned man, and led a strict life; thought it was not before the fem he seemed to hunt after paradoxes, cond century, and that an exin all his writings, and broach- traordinary inspiration was coned not a few: he thought none tinued in the churches to that could be saved, but those who, very time, to which he ascribed by the facraments, had a federał the original of episcopacy. This right to it; and that these were ftrange and precarious fyftem was the seals of the covenant : fo in great credit among us ; and that he left all, who died with- the necessity of the facrament, out the sacraments, to the un and the invalidity of ecclefiaftical covenanted mercies of God; and functions, when performed by to this he added, that none had persons, who were not episcoa right to give the facraments, pally ordained, were entertained but those who were commissioned by many with great applause : to it; and these were the apo. this made the diffenters pafs for kles, and after them bishops and no christians, and put all thoughts priests ordained by them : it fol- of reconciling them to us far lowed upon this, that facraments out of view : and several little administered by others were of books were spread about the nano value. He pursued thefe no tion, to prove the necessity of tions fo far, that he asserted that re-baptizing them, and that they the souls of men were naturally were in a state of damnation till mortal, but that the immorta- that was done ; but few werey fizing virtue was conveyed by by these arguments, prevailed baptifm, given by perfons epif- upon to be re-baptized. This copally ordained. And yet, after ftruck even at the baptism by all this, which carried the epis- midwives in the church of Rome; copal function so high, he did which was practised and connot lay the original of that go-. nived at here in England, till it vernment on any instruction or was objected in the conferenco, warrant in the scripture ; but held at Hampton-court, soon thought it was set up, in the be- after king James the firftis ac ginning of the second century, cession to the crown, and bap after the apostles were all dead. tism was not till then limited to He wrote very doubtfully of the persons in orders. Nothing of
1712. The bishops thought it necessary to put a stop to this new
and extravagant doctrine ; so a declaration was agreed to, first against the irregularity of all baptism by persons, who were not in holy orders; but that yet, according to the practice of the primitive church, and the constant usage of the church of England, no baptism (in or with water, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost) ought to be reiterated. The archbishop of York at first agreed to this ; so it was resolved to publish it, in the name of all the bishops of England; but he was prevailed on to change his mind ; and refused to sign it, pretending that this would encourage irregular baptism : so the archbishop of Canterbury, with most of the bishops of his province, resolved to offer it to the convocation. It was agreed to in the upper-house, the bishop of Rochester only dissenting : but when it was fent to the lower-house, they would not so much as take it into consideration, but laid it aside; thinking that it would encourage those, who struck at the dignity of the. priesthood. This was all that passed in convocation.
On the 26th of April, the earl of Strafford went from The earl of Strafford's Utrecht to the Hague, and, in several conferences he had conferences with the pensionary and other ministers, earnestly pressed at the Hague. the ftates to come into the queen's measures. This, to
gether with the secret methods, that were used to hinder the states of Brabant from supplying the imperial troops, that were marching into the Netherlands, with bread and forage, did not a little increase the jealousies of the states, who two days after thought fit to send a folemn deputation to the earl of Strafford, to know what the queen's measures were? The earl not having yet orders to explain himself, and being under an engagement of secrecy with the French plenipotentiaries, made no scruple to declare, in conformity to a late letter from the queen to the states, “ That « her majesty's intentions were, that her troops should act " with the same vigour against France, as if there were no “ negotiation on foot."
on foot.” This declaration the earl repeated the same evening in another long conference with prince Eugene of Savoy, count Zinzendorf, the states deputies, and the council of state ; and on the 21st of April returned to Utrecht. Several other ministers, who went to the Hague, to confer with prince Eugene, returned also to the
this kind was fo much as men- baptized by diffenters; but it tioned in the year 1660, when a was now promoted with much great part of the nation had been heat. Burnet, Vol. II. 604.
place of congress, in order to assist at the general confe- 1712.
About the middle of April the confederate forces began to The alies march into the field, and prince Eugene of Savoy set out take the from the Hague on the 22d of that month, in order to put Cond. of the himself at the head of the army. The duke of Ormond, D. of Orm. being appointed to command the queen's forces in Flanders, Rep. of the received his instructions on the 7th of April, whereby he
com, of secr. was ordered “ to repair with all possible diligence to the “ Hague, and to acquaint the pensionary, that he had re“ ceived her majesty's orders to see him, before he went to
put himself at the head of her majesty's troops, and to " express to him her resolution of pushing the war with all “ poffible vigour, until the enemy should agree to such “ terms of peace, as might be safe and honourable for her“ self and her allies; to assure hiin, that he was prepared to < live in a perfect and good correspondence with all the
generals of the allies, and particularly with those of the “ states; and to desire the pensionary to inforın him, what “ plan had been agreed upon for the operations of the cam"s paign: and as soon as he arrived at the frontier, to meet “ with prince Eugene, and such others of the generals,
as should be in the secret, and with them to concert the proper measures for entering upon action.” The duke left London on the 9th of April, and in three days arrived at the Hague, where having visited the pensionary, he gave him, according to his instructions, all the assurances of carrying on the war with vigour, and acting in confidence with all the allies, and more especially the Dutch: which were received with the greatest professions of duty and respect to her majesty. He had also a conference with the council of VOL, XVII,
1712. ftate, who told him, “ That there was no particular refow" lution taken as to the operations of the campaign, but
they left it to their generals, who with their deputies were " to act in concert with the generals of the allies : and that
they had given orders to their generals to live in a good “ correspondence with his grace.” The president of the week made many excuses for their having given the command of their army to prince Eugene ; but however he said, “ That, as to the point of command, his grace and " the prince were now upon an equal foot.” About this time the duke received a letter from Mr. Cadogan, who had been some time before left out of the establishment of lieutenant-generals, defiring his interest for being employed under him this campaign. The duke readily, complied with his request, and foon obtained the queen's leave for his serving in that post. The duke resolving to take the field as soon as possible, left the Hague, and arrived at Ghent the 3d of May; and after a stay there 'of two or three days, and securing the government of the citadel in English hands, went on to Tournay, where he met prince Eugene and the deputies of the states. All the English forces, for some weeks, had been in the field, and lay cantoned along the road between this city and Lifle. And the reason of drawing them out of their quarters so early was, that there had been a project formed to take poft at Oisy, on the Sensette, which would have secured the march over the Scheld, and might have given the allies an opportunity of seizing Cambray. Lieutenant-general Cadogan did not in the least question the success of it. But, the Dutch making many difficulties and delays in this affair, Villars had prevented the design, and taken poffeffion of Oily, and of all the passes on the Sensette.
On the 17th of May, prince Eugene and monfieur Vegelín came to the duke Ormond, and it was agreed between them to pass the Scheld near Bouchain, in order to incamp at Avesne le Sec, and see whether the confederates could attack the enemy without great disadvantage ; or, should the enemy be too strongly posted, it was proposed to invest Quesnoy, which, being a little place, could not hold out above three weeks at most after the opening of the trenches : in order to these motions, the proportion of the two armies to be commanded by the prince and duke being settled (u), the necessary directions were given for afsem
bling (u) The duke had under him of those in the queen's pay, and the following troops, consisting of those paid jointly by her ma