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1711.

12, 1711.

On the 20th of July, the British forces returned on board their respective fhips, and were joined by two regiments of New-England and New-York, commanded by colonel Vetch and colonel Walton. On the 30th of July, the fleet failed for the river of Canada, and colonel Nicholson set out from Boston for New-York, from whence he proceeded to Albany, where the forces of New-York, Connecticut, and New-Jerfey, about one thousand Palatines, and about one thoufand Indians of the five nations, under the Caffaiques, who had been in England, rendezvoufed to the number of about four thousand men, commanded by colonel Ingoldfby, colonel Schuyter, and colonel Whiting, who marched towards Canada the 28th of Auguft. The fleet arrived at the mouth of the river Canada on the 14th of the fame month, and on the 18th (fays Sir Hovenden Walker *) the wind *In a letter, blowing fresh at north-weft, we put into Gaipe-bay, where dated Sept.. we ftaid till the 20th, being afraid of lofing company with the tranfports, that might be blown to the leeward; but, having got all of them together, we proceeded up part of the river of Canada, which is an hundred and thirty leagues long to Quebec, from the mouth of it. On the 21ft it proved foggy, and continued fo all night, and the day following, with little wind till the afternoon, when, in an extreme thick fog, it began to blow hard at east and east-southeaft. We found ourfelves then in a dangerous circumftance, having neither foundings, nor fight of land, to steer any courfe, or any anchorage within fixty leagues, and that not fafe fo that the pilots on board this fhip, being the best in the fleet, were of opinion, that the admiral should make a fignal to bring to; which he did with our heads to the fouthward, judging, by that, we might efcape danger, and be driven by the ftream in the mid-channel: but quite contrary, as we were with the wind eafterly, and our heads to the fouthward, in two hours we found ourselves upon the north-fhore among rocks and iflands, where the whole fleet had like to have been loft. The men of war escaped, though with extreme hazard; but eight transports were caft away, with about eight hundred men, officers, foldiers, and feamen; and, had not the admiral made the fignal, as he did, it is very likely that our lofs would have been much greater. After this difafter, we continued thereabouts two or three days, feeing what men and other things we could get from the fhore: after which it was determined by a con fultation of fea-officers, to return back to fome bay or harbour, where the fleet might fafely ride, till a further refolu

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1711.

Remarks on

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tion fhould be taken. Accordingly, on the 14th of September, we arrived in the Spanish river bay, and the general and admiral called a council of war of land and fea-officers, who confidering we had but ten weeks provifion for the fleet and army, and that the navigation in these parts of the world being fo bad and dangerous, that, at this time of the year, we could not depend upon a supply of provifions from New-England, it was unanimoufly agreed to return home, without making further attempts elsewhere.

This account of the expedition to Canada was brought to England by colonel Clayton, who arrived not many days before Sir Hovenden Walker, who came to Portsmouth with the fleet, and the remainder of the transports, the 9th of October. Six days after, the Edgar of feventy guns was blown up, with above four hundred men, befides a great many perfons who were come on board to see their friends.

The ill fuccefs of this expedition was a great mortificathis expedition to the new miniftry, it being their first undertaking, ill projected, and worfe executed in every step. It was the more liable to cenfure, because, at the very time, that the old miniftry were charged with entering on defigns, which had not been laid before the parliament, and for which no fupplies had been given, they projected this, even while a feffion was yet going on, without communicating it to the parliament; whereas what the former miniftry had done, this way, was upon emergencies and fucceffes, after the end of the feffion. Befides, the parliament had just then declared it to be their fenfe, That to enlarge the service, or increafe the charge beyond the bounds prefcribed, and the fupplies granted, was illegal, and an invasion of their rights. The new miniftry did another thing to keep the defign fecret, which was to victual the fleet greatly short of what was neceflary, leaving them to take in a fresh fupply in NewEngland, which they would not beforehand give direction for (though the event fhewed it was very neceffary) for fear that alfo fhould occafion a discovery. This, in fome meafure, preferved the fecrecy, but deftroyed the defign: for, though they had a very fortunate paffage to New England, much better than the fleet could ordinarily expect, yet they were fo long detained there, that the proper feafon, it was faid, was over, before any confiderable quantity of provifions could be procured; and the whole was fo fhort of what they wanted, that, when they failed in the defign against Quebec, they were pot able to fucceed in the under

plot

plot against Placentia, in which otherwise they apprehended 1711. no difficulty (k).

A feffion of

Hift. of Eur,

The duke of Ormond held a feffion of parliament this summer at Dublin, where he was received with great accla- parliament mations. It is obfervable, that, during the feffion, the duke, in Ireland. chancellor Phips, and the majority of the peers, did, ons all occafions, vifibly favour and countenance the high-party, if not the friends to the pretender, whilft the commons ftrenuously afferted the Revolution-principles, and fhewed their firm adherence to the proteftant fucceffion. Of this there were feveral inftances; but none more remarkable than * See Annals of q. the difpute between the two houses, relating to the applicaAnne, X. tion of the commons in 1709, to the queen, for five thou- 164. fand pounds to build a library for Trinity college (1). After

(k) To all this may be added a grofs impofition upon the public, in the fitting out of this expedition, which the lord-treasurer Harley himfelf owns, in his Brief account of public affairs, laid before her majefty in June, 1714, wherein he obferves as follows: On the 4th of June, 1711, three days after the treafurer was fworn, he was fur

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treafurer's fufpicion juftified; for the public was cheated of above twenty thousand pounds. There is reafon to be more par⚫ticular upon this head, because it is one of the things never to be forgiven the treasurer; and lord-chancellor Harcourt told him more to that purpose, that no government was worth ferv ing, that would not let them

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get fuch jobs. The treasurer

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⚫ and credit to keep the house of
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ty-eight thousand thirty-fix. pounds and five fhillings for. arms and merchandize, faid to "be fent to Canada. When the "treasurer fcrupled this, Mr. fe-affair laft parliament.' cretary St. John and Mr. Moore came to him with much paffion upon this affair; and, about a fortnight after, the fecretary of state fignified the. queen's pofitive pleasure to have ⚫ that money paid; and, accordingly, her majefty figned warrant, June 21, and the treafurer not being able then, with all his precaution, to discover further light, the money was paid July the 4th, 1711. Since ⚫ the return from that expedition, ⚫ the fecret is discovered, and the

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(1) This application was made by the commons, becaufe (as they faid) the college had cen-. fured Forbes for afperfing the memory of king William, and for their fteady adherence to the late revolution, and for 'the encouragement of good literature, and found Revolutionprinciples. The duke of Ormond, in his fpeech, having taken notice that the queen had complied with this application, the lords, in their address to the queen among other things, faid,

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1711. the feffion was over, chancellor Phips (who had been publicly thanked by the clergy, for his defence of the church at

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Your majefty has alfo extended your royal favour to the college of Dublin, and at fuch a juncture, as muft teftify to the world, that what your majesty bestowed was not given to promote those principles upon which it was at firft applied for.' The commons incenfed at these words, came to the following refolutions: That the lords, in this addrefs, have highly infringed the rights, privileges, and liberties of the commons, mifreprefented her majefty's gracious condefcenfion to their humble application, and have unjuftly infinuated (to the dif honour of this houfe) that the principles, for encouragement of which the application was made, were fuch, as her majefty difapproved. That to infinuate, that the houfe of commons, in their refolution, intended any other than the late happy revolution brought about by king William III. of glorious memory, is falfe, fcandalous, and malicious, highly • and most unjustly reflecting on the loyalty, integrity, and honour of this houfe, and a great breach of the privileges there"'of.' And, in their addrefs to, the queen on this occafion, they inferted the following paragraphs:

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Being therefore moft fenfibly touched at heart, that our prin'ciples and good intentions fhould be thus injuriously reprefented, and out of a deep f concern, left the addrefs of the

lords should have made any

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impreffion on her majefty, to 'the disadvantage of her moft • dutiful commons, they took this opportunity to lay before her majefty these their humble and fincere affurances, that the principles, upon which they had applied to her majefty for her bounty to the college of Dublin, in their addrefs of the first of June, 1709, were fuch, as they fhould never be afhamed to own, they being no other than those, to which they owed the prefervation of their religion, lives, liberties, and properties, and more efpecially that ineftimable bleffing of her majesty's happy reign over them. That the found Revolution-principles, mentioned in their addrefs, neither had, nor can have, in the true conftruction of the words, any other meaning, than what related to the late happy revolution; and that ⚫ they had the utmost abhorrence • and deteftation of all principles that tend to any other revolution, or to weaken her majesty's parliamentary right.'

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Dr. Sacheverel's trial, and for patronizing the clergy on all 1711. occafions) and general Ingoldfby were appointed as lords

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a manner wholly unknown to ⚫ former parliaments, and in lan"guage more indecent, more op

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probrious, than was given by another house of commons, when they voted the houfe of lords ufelefs. However, your majefty might juftly approve the conduct of the college of Dublin in the late revolution, • we did, and do ftill humbly conceive, that your majesty did not extend your bounty to them, to promote (in general) Revolution-principles principles, which, as explained by the pamphlets and libels publicly avowed by men of factious • and feditious tempers, and particularly, by a fermon preached on the 30th of January, dedicated to this very houfe of 'commons, without cenfure or animadverfion, do, in a great measure, maintain and juftify. the execrable murder of king Charles I, your royal grandfather of bleffed memory, and on which may be founded any rebellion against your majefty

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or your fucceffors. Nor have the commons, in our apprehenfion, vindicated themselves

or their vote, by saying, “That "the found Revolution-princi

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ples, mentioned in their ad"drefs, neither had, nor can have, in the true conftruction "of the words, any other mean

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"ing than what related to the "late happy revolution." For, however they may take upon themselves beft to know their own meaning, yet we think it hard to deny us the right of judging, as well as they, of the true conftruction of the words; and we do take the liberty to fay, That, the commons having, in that vote, ⚫ maintained the fteady adherence of the provoft and fellows of the college to the late ⚫ revolution, as one confideration of their application for the five thousand pounds fince granted by your majefty, the fubfequent "motive mentioned in that vote, viz. For the encouragement of ⚫ found Revolution - principles, cannot, in good reafon or grammar, be referred to the ⚫late revolution, fince adherence to the late revolution was a diftinct motive of itfelf; and it is the known nature of principles, to be as well the rule and guide of future as of past • actions.'

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Moreover, the houfe of lords, at the follicitation of the bishops, did, the fame day, agree to a reprefentation and address against the diffenters, wherein they fuggefted, That they had been ⚫ enabled

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