The people in France were much wrought on, by this 1709. pretended indignity offered to their monarch, to oblige him their enjoying the repofe I defigned to procure them. In order to restore the fame, I would have accepted conditions very oppofite to the fecurity of my frontier provinces; but the more facility and defire I have fhewn to diffipate the umbrages, which my enemies affect to entertain of my power and defigns, the more they have multiplied their pretenfions; infomuch that by degrees, adding new demands to the firft, and making ufe either of the duke of Savoy's name, or of the intereft of the princes of the empire, they have at once let me fee that they had no other intention, than to increase, at the expence of my crown, the ftates bordering upon France, and to open to themfelves easy ways to penetrate into the heart of my kingdom, as often as it would fuit with their intereft to begin a new war. Nor would the war I now maintain, and was willing to have ended, have ceased, had I confented to the proposals they have made to me. For they fixed within two months the term, wherein I was, on my part, to execute the treaty; and, during that interval, they pretended to oblige me to deliver up to them the places they demanded of me in the Low-Countries and Alface, and to raze thofe, on the demolishing whereof they infifted; refufing, on their part, to enter into any other engagements, than the fufpenfion of all acts of hoftility, till the first day of August, and referving to themselves the liberty of acting to then by force of arms, in cafe the king of Spain, my grandfon, perfifted in the refolution of defending the crown God has given him, and rather to perish, than abandon faithful people, who, for nine years, have acknowledged him as their lawful king. Such a fufpenfion (more dangerous than war itself) would rather put off than forward peace. For it would not only have been neceffary to continue the fame expence for the maintaining of my armies, but, as foon as the term of the fufpenfion of arms would have expired, my enemies would have attacked me with the new advantages they would have taken from the towns, into which I fhould have introduced them myfelf, at the fame time that I fhould have demolished thofe that are a bulwark to fome of my frontier provinces. I pafs over in filence the proposals they have infinuated to me, of joining my forces with thofe of the confederates, and to compel my grandfon to defcend the throne, if he did not voluntarily confent to live, for the future, without dominions, and to reduce himself to the condition of a private man. It is against humanity to believe, that they had even the thought of engaging me in fuch an alliance with them; but although the tenderness I have for my people be as hearty as for my own children; although I bear a part in all the ills, which the war makes fuch faithful subjects undergo; and I have fhewn to all Europe, that I fincerely defired to make them enjoy peace; 1709. to force his grandfon to abandon Spain; and even here in England, there wanted not many, who faid it was a cruel hardship put on the French king, to force him into such an unnatural war; but if he was guilty of the injuftice of putting him in poffeffion of that kingdom, it was but a reafonable piece of juftice to undo what he himself had done and it was fo vifible, that king Philip was maintained on that throne by the councils and affiftance of France, that no doubt was made but that, if the king of France had really defigned it, he could easily have obliged him to relinquish all pretenfions to that crown. Chamillard The breaking off the negotiation of peace was foon atin difgrace. tended with the difgrace of monfieur de Chamillard, the French king's prime minifter, and even with fome coldness towards madam de Maintenon, who were both said to have given larger inftructions to Rouillé and Torcy, than either the king intended, or were thought proper by the young princes of the blood (u). On the other hand, it is obfervable, I am perfuaded they would them- It is therefore my intention, and more the fervency of prayer in their respective diocefes: and at the fame time I order you to acquaint my people, within the extent of your government, that they fhould enjoy peace, if it had been in my power, as it was in my will, to procure them a good they wish for with reafon, but which must be obtained by new efforts, fince the immense conditions I would have granted, are useless towards the restoring of the public tranquility. I therefore leave it to your prudence, to make my intentions known in fuch a manner, as you shall judge convenient. And fo I pray God to have you in his holy keeping. Lamberti, vol. IV. (u) It was reported, that the duke of Burgundy preffed the making a peace, as neceffary to prevent the ruin of France, while the dauphin preffed more vehemently the continuance of the war, and the fupporting of the draw off the vable, that while the terms of peace were debating, both 1709. the French court and the pope were ufing all imaginable endeavours to draw off the duke of Savoy from the grand al- Endeavours liance; the discovery of which was owing to the duke's mi- of France to nifter at the Hague, and came very opportunely to expofe duke of Sathe double-dealing of the court of France, who had the mo- voy infuffidefty to reject the very article of the preliminaries, by which cient. the allies ftipulated a barrier for the duke of Savoy, and, at the fame time, were offering him much greater advantages to induce him to leave the peace of Europe to their mercy. But thefe artifices were defeated by the penetration and firmnefs of prince Eugene and the duke of Marlborough, who treated the peace as they managed the war, and, by their cool temper and open conduct, baffled the ftratagems both of the French minifters and generals. And it is certain, that the French, who proposed to divide the allies, by fetting on foot a negotiation of peace, were themselves caught in the preliminaries, which were fo wifely contrived for the particular fatisfaction of each of the confederates, for their common fecurity, that they became the more firmly united by this very tranfaction; and, being juftly incenfed at the unfair proceedings of France, resolved to improve their late advantages, by a vigorous profecution of the war. in Flanders. Brodrick. The duke of Marlborough fet out from the Hague foon Campaign after Rouillé, to put himself at the head of his Prince army. Eugene had abfolutely refufed to go into Spain. There was Conduct of nothing to fear in Italy. The army, on the Rhine, was the d. of formed with great difficulty, and very late. So the prince Marlborough. chose to remain in Flanders, and second the duke of Marl- Hift. of Eur. borough's defigns. On the other hand, Villars was fent Burnet. to command the French army in Flanders, of whom the king of France faid, He was never beaten : Harcourt commanded 1708. Tournay invested. on the Rhine, and the duke of Berwick in Dauphiné. As the duke of Marlborough had trufted little to the fhews of peace, he had taken care to have every thing in readiness to open the campaign, as foon as he faw what might be expected from the court of France. By the 21ft of June, the confederate troops formed an army of a hundred and ten thousand men near Menin; and, two days after, the right wing under prince Eugene, and the left under the duke of Marlborough, marched and incamped in the plain of Lifle, on both fides the Upper-Deule. About the fame time, the enemy's forces were marching from all quarters to form their army, under marfhal Villars, in the plain of Lens, where he began to caft up intrenchments to cover his troops. Upon advice from Arras, that Villars had pofitive orders to venture a battle, the lieutenant-generals Dopf and Cadogan were fent out with detachments, to take a near view of the enemy; and, upon their report of the almost infuperable difficulties that muft attend the attacking the French troops in their advantageous and fortified camp, the confederate generals refolved to lay fiege to Tournay (x). The conqueft of this place, notwithstanding the ftrong fortifications, appeared the more eafy, because Villars, at the approach of the confederate army, had unadvisedly weakened the garrifon. It feems the train of artillery was by a feint brought up the Lys to Courtray; and therefore it was believed the duke of Marlborough's defign was upon Ypres ; and, there being no apprehenfion of any attempt upon Tournay, no particular care was taken of it; fo that, on the 27th of June, it was fuddenly invefted, and the train was fent back to Ghent, and brought up the Scheld to Tournay. This enterprize was managed with fo much fe (x) Tournay is one of the most antient cities of Flanders. It had belonged time out of mind to France, till in 1513 it was taken by king Henry VIII. of England. It was foon after restored by the intrigues of cardinal Wolfey. The Spaniards took it in 1618, and kept it till 1667, when it was re-taken by Lewis XIV. This prince had fpared no coft to fortify it, and had made it one of the ftrongeft places in the Netherlands. It is very advantageoufly fituated, of a great compafs, and divided by the Scheld, as the army that befieges it must also be, which is always very incommodious and dangerous. See the plan of the town and citadel, which, for the reader's fatisfaction, is here annexed. Tournay is a bishoprick under the archbishop of Cambray, about fifteen miles eaft of Lifle, twenty north-east of Doway, thirty-two almoft weft of Mons, and thirty fouth of Ghent. crecya crecy, that the enemy could not have notice of the defigns of the allies, nor time to reinforce the garrifon, which confifted only of twelve weak battalions, and four fquadrons of dragoons, under the command of lieutenant-general de Surville. Upon the confederate army's coming up to the town, the duke of Marlborough made a detachment, under the prince of Naffau, to furprize St. Amand, a post very neceffary to cover the fiege, and another to take possession of Mortagne, a poft, where the Scarp falls into the Scheld; both which were foon effected, the French troops retiring upon the approach of our men. The governor of Tournay, not a little furprized to see the town invested, which was unprovided with neceffaries for a long fiege, rifled great part of the corn of the inhabitants, and fent out a party of French dragoons to bring in the cattle of the neighbourhood, who were most of them cut off, or taken prisoners; and the cattle, to the number of above feven hundred, were generously reftored to the peasants. At the fame time, Villars, being fenfible of his mistake, in weakening the garrison of Tournay, ordered seven or eight thousand horfe from Mons and Condé to advance, and endeavour to throw themselves into the town; but fuch measures were taken to prevent them, that they were forced to retire, without attempting any thing. On the 3d of July, all the troops appointed for the fiege had taken their pofts round the town, from Cerque above the town, to the caftle of Conftantine below it; and, the next day, the line of circumvallation was begun on this fide the Scheld. In the mean while, upon advice that a detachment of ten thousand men from the enemy's army was marched towards Warneton, lieutenant-general Wilks was detached thither, with two thoufand five hundred grenadiers, and thirty fquadrons: but, before he could arrive, a lieutenant-colonel, a major, and about feven hundred men had yielded themselves prifoners of war. All the neceflary difpofitions being made for opening the trenches, and the bridges of communication being laid over the Scheld, the generals made the following difpofitions for the attacks of the city and citadel: that there fhould be three attacks; one against the citadel, and one on each fide of the river against the town, of which the principal was to be commanded by general Lottum, against the citadel, on the fide of the gate of Valenciennes : the fecond by general Fagel, against the gate of Marville; and the third by general Schuylemburgh, against the horn-work of the gate of the 1709. |