which must be taken into account, though they are very difficult to weigh against the material sacrifices and risks. Such are the justifiable pride which the cultivated members of a civilised community feel in the beneficent exercise of dominion, and in the performance by their nation of the noble task of spreading the highest kind of civilisation; and a more intense though less elevated satisfaction -inseparable from patriotic sentiment—in the spread of the special type of civilisation distinctive of their nation, communicated through its language and literature, and through the tendency to catch its tastes and imitate its customs which its prolonged rule, especially if on the whole beneficent, is likely to cause in a continually increasing degree.

This latter result might be called a process of spiritual expansion, as distinct from the physical expansion which takes place when the conquered region is so thinly populated as to afford room for a considerable immigration of the conquerors.

§ 5. In the conquest of countries fully inhabited by a people on a par with their conquerors in civilisation, the aim of physical expansion can-for a modern state-hardly come in and it cannot usually be more than a subordinate aim, even where the conquered are decidedly inferior in civilisation, if they have arrived at the state of settled agricultural occupation of the land that they inhabit. Still, if the conquered, though semi-civilised, are at a decidedly lower stage of economic development, and if their climate is not unsuited to the conquering race, the immigration of the latter may reach substantial proportions; so that the conquered country acquires in some degree the character of a colony. Thus in Algeria, during some sixty years of French rule, room has been found for nearly half a million Europeans, although at the time of the French conquest the land was already held in agricultural occupation by an Arab population; and a judicious writer1 allows himself to imagine that in 1930 the European element in 1 Leroy Beaulieu, De la Colonisation chez les peuples modernes, 3d edition, p. 337.

"French Africa" may amount to two millions, with an Arab element of six or seven millions largely "francisés." If this forecast should be fulfilled, probably no one would refuse to Algeria the name of a colony.

More commonly, however, we denote by the term colonisation the occupation by a civilised community of regions thinly inhabited by uncivilised tribes; in which, accordingly, even supposing the "aborigines" to be treated with equity and consideration, there is room for a new population of immigrants far exceeding the old in numbers. The rational motives to colonisation, in this narrower sense, are partly the same as those that prompt to the conquest of semicivilised countries. There is the desire of the more profitable employment for capital, afforded in a special degree by the undeveloped resources of regions new to civilised men, and more safe or generally believed to be more safe-in a colony than in a foreign country; again, a colony tends, even more decidedly than a conquest, to be a source of wealth to a commercial country, from the extension that it affords to trade; since capital taken to a new country, if it is not employed in producing commodities peculiar to this new region, or for the production of which it has special advantages, is naturally applied to the production of food and raw materials, to be exchanged for the manufactured products of the old country.1 But a further most important motive to colonisation is supplied by the desire-whether of the labourers themselves or of statesmen on their behalf-to find a more remunerative field of employment for the surplus labour of the mother country. This motive, however, would hardly by itself lead any European nation to attempt the founding of a new colony, so long as the American States allow free immigration and have large tracts of unoccupied land available for settlers; in the present condition, therefore, of the modern world, this motive

1 It should be observed that, to realise this advantage, the fiscal policy of the colony must be kept under the control of the mother country, in order that the former may not exclude the products of the latter by import duties designed to protect its own industries. See Chap. xxvii.

only prompts to colonisation as distinct from emigration when combined with patriotic desires for national growth and expansion, extension of national wealth and prestige, and even power in international struggles,-though it must be very doubtful how far this latter end is likely to be promoted by the founding of colonies. It is obvious that such patriotic sentiments must be offended when emigrants are absorbed in an alien State.1

§ 6. We have, therefore, in a theoretical discussion, to distinguish clearly and treat separately the questions of (1) emigration, and (2) colonisation: though practically the two questions are often mixed up in the discussion of the large schemes of state-directed colonisation which have been recently urged on the attention of statesmen in more than one European country.

In considering how far any scheme of emigration should be adopted, we must avoid the error into which untrained minds are liable to fall, of assuming that any increase in the number taken from a country by emigration would involve a corresponding diminution in its future popula

1 It is difficult to estimate the force of the desire for national expansion, -including the desire of cultivated minds to spread the special type of civilisation which they enjoy - as distinguished from the more primitive impulse to the amelioration of the emigrants' condition. The latter must be taken to be the stronger: still it is doubtless a source of real dissatisfaction to cultivated Germans that they continually see their emigrants absorbed by the United States, and have to face the prospect of the posterity of millions of Teutons inheriting with the English language the traditions of English instead of German thought and sentiment.

The position of Great Britain in relation to the United States is very peculiar; since, on the one hand, whether we consider Great Britain's industrial and commercial pre-eminence or her empire, one of the chief dangers that threatens her is from the rivalry and aggression of the United States; on the other hand, if we derive any satisfaction from the expansion of the English race, and of the English type of civilisation as communicated through its language, literature, and law, the prosperous growth of the community inhabiting the United States must be regarded as the most important means to this end-and perhaps more important than if the colony had remained in political connexion with England. If any existing language should ever become the one common language of civilised man it will probably be English: and the chief cause of this result will, if it should be brought about, probably be the growth and commercial pre-eminence of the United States.

tion. On the contrary, general reasoning and experience combine to show that emigration has a stimulating effect on population in a country that has long been settled and that, accordingly, every increase in the number of emigrants tends to cause a certain subsequent increase, which would not otherwise have taken place, in the population of the country from which they emigrate. It is, indeed, an error on the opposite side to suppose that this increase will always be sufficient to compensate for the diminution caused by emigration, so that even the largest normal stream of emigration may be regarded as having finally no effect on the amount of the population of the country from which it flows but experience seems to show that this error diverges less widely from truth than the former.

The truth, however, lies between these two opposite views. On the one hand, in a country such as the United States now is, with a supply of unoccupied land forming a continuous territory with the older settlements, the population in the old settlements is not likely to acquire the density that it has in a country like Great Britain: on the other hand, if the cost of the voyage to America or Australia were freely defrayed by the English Government, there can be no doubt that the aggregate of persons of English birth inhabiting the two countries taken together would increase at a considerably greater rate. Under ordinary circumstances, therefore, we must regard any systematic provision for emigration as partly tending to produce the increment of population for which it furnishes an outlet. Accordingly, state aid to emigration cannot be safely recommended as a relief for distress in "congested districts" in which the population is too large for the field of employment within the district-except under the condition either (1) that the causes of the congestion are clearly temporary, or (2) that other measures be simultaneously taken to prevent their future operation. And in considering the wider question how far it is expedient for government to undertake any regular and permanent provision for emigration, we have first to determine how far the increase of

population that it will under ordinary circumstances inevitably cause in the mother country and the colony taken together -is in itself desirable.

In the earlier chapters of this work no mention was made of increase of population as a subordinate end at which a statesman should aim, with a view to the promotion of the general happiness. Such increase used to be so regarded in pre-Malthusian days; but it would now be generally agreed that-emigration apart―a government that took measures for the direct purpose of adding to the population of a country as fully peopled as England or France, would be assuming too great and dangerous a responsibility: the demand that it should find work and wages, without the deterrent conditions of our present poor-relief, for the beings whose existence it had thus indirectly caused would be too obviously just to be long resisted. Indeed, since Malthus, an important group of thinkers have urged that measures should rather be taken tending to restrict the growth of the population and it is difficult to avoid the conviction that at some future time the governments of civilised countries will have to face this problem, unless measures of this kind are spontaneously adopted by the governed. But in the present condition of the world I should disapprove of any such measures, as tending to check the expansion of civilised humanity; since I regard the increase of the amount of human life in the world, under its present conditions of existence in civilised countries, as a good and not an evil. An adequate discussion of the grounds for this view would be out of place here; but I think we must assume, for purposes of political reasoning, that an average human life, under any physical conditions under which the human species tends to be maintained, is prima facie likely to contain a balance of happiness, and therefore to be per se desirable. I admit that the assumption becomes doubtful, so far as increase of numbers tends to be accompanied by increase of disease, or even of physical discomfort not involving disease;1 but the burden of proof seems to me

1 I do not think that the mere decrease of physical strength such as tends