COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS ACTED ON 105 regard to his previous action, and as if he had never made a speech or given a vote on the subject." Mr. Crittenden expressed a like spirit, and gave utterance to the hope that nothing might at least result from the acts of the Committee which would, in any degree, savor of a disinclination to adjust differences and thus to court the calamities of disunion. Gor. Hicks's Union Declaration. We may add to our chapter of the week's features a reference to the reception, by Gov. Hicks, of Maryland, of the Commissioner from Mississippi, Judge H. K. Handy. Their correspondence, as published,Saturday, Dec. 22d, in the Baltimore papers, showed that, under the executive hand of Gov. Hicks, Maryland could not be thrown into the secession movement. The gist of the correspondence may thus be given: Judge Handy inquires whether the Governor will convene the Legislature for the purpose of cooperating with Mississippi in measures necessary to defend the rights of the South and to form a new confederacy. The Governor replies at some length. He says that Maryland is identified with the Southern States in feeling, institutions, and habits; but she is also conservative and devoted to the union of the States under the Constitution, and her people will use all honorable means to preserve and perpetuate these. He declares that the sentiments of the people are almost unanimous in favor of upholding and maintaining their rights under the Constitution. They believe that their rights will yet be admitted and secured, and not until it is certain they will be respected no longer not until every honorable, constitutional, and lawful effort to secure them is exhausted-will they consent to any efforts for a dissolution of the Union. The people of Maryland are anxious that time should be given and opportunity afforded for a fair and honorable adjustment of the difficulties and grievances of which they, more than the people of any other State, have a right to complain. He believes that a large majority of the people of the Union desire an adjustment, and he thinks it will be promptly effected. Until the effort is found vain, he cannot consent to any precipitate revolutionary action to aid in the dismemberment of the Union. When he is satisfied that there is no hope of adjustment, and not until then, will he exercise any power with which he is vested to afford even an opportunity for such a proceeding. Whatever powers he may have he will use only after full consultation with the other Border States, since we and they, in the event of any dismemberment of the Union, will suffer more than all the others combined. He states that he is now in correspondence with the Governors of these States, and awaits with much solicitude the indications of the course to be pursued by them. When this is made known, he will be prepared to take such steps as duty and the interests of the State demand. He is, consequently, unable to say whether or when the Legislature will be called. The Hon. W. S. Featherstone, Commissioner from the same State to Kentucky, had an interview with Gov. Magoffin, of Kentucky, Dec. 21st., but the result was not definitively made known until a later day. Caleb Cushing's Mission to Charleston. December 21st, Caleb Cushing arrived in Charleston as a messenger from the President to the Convention. His mission was understood to be to prevail upon the Convention to respect the status quo of the Federal laws during Mr. Buchanan's administration, giving guarantees of a non-reinforcement of Major Anderson. He remained but five hours in the city, and returned immediately to Washington to report that the Convention would make no promises whatever-that it must act as circumstances might dictate-leaving all negotiations to special commissioners. A cabinet meeting was called (Dec. 22nd,) upon his return, when a stormy and anxious session is reported to have been held. The Committee's Saturday's Session, was one of earnest consideration. Mr. Crittenden's Compromise Resolutions were brought forward and acted upon. The entire plan was supported by Messrs. Bigler and Douglas, as well as by Mr. Crittenden himself, with remarkable power and zeal. Mr. Douglas reiterated his expressed determination to consider the question for the preservation of the country, as though he had never cast a vote or uttered a sentiment on the subject before. | it if the Republicans would propose it in good If that mode of compromise would not an- faith. swer, he declared himself willing to go for any other, consistent with honor or justice. The appeals of Mr. Crittenden in behalf of the Union are said to have been sublime. He, too, was willing to embrace any other effective mode of adjustment. Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, preferred a division, by a line, across the country, because in that way the question of Slavery could be taken out of Congress and separated entirely from the popular elections in the North, without which we never could have permanent peace. Messrs. Wade, Doolittle, Collamer and Grimes, opposed the proposition with much earnestness. They maintained that the people, in the late election, decided the question of Slavery in Territories, and therefore they had no concessions to make or offer. They manifested great unwillingness to act, in the absence of Mr. Seward, but as they could give no assurance of his immediate return, the Committee declined to defer action on account of his absence. Messrs. Davis, Toombs and Hunter discussed the present unhappy condition of the country with real feeling and power, and, while manifesting a willingness to accept any measure of final settlement which would secure their just rights in the Union, insisted that propositions must come from the dominant party, the Republicans. The second proposition submitted by Mr. Crittenden, denying the right of Congress to abolish Slavery in the dockyards and arsenals, was voted against by Messrs. Collamer, Doolittle, Grimes and Wade. The remainder of the committee voted for the proposition, but as it had not a majority of the Republicans, it was defeated under the rules adopted by the Committee, that no proposition should be considered adopted and recommended to the Senate which did not receive a majority of the Republican votes and also a majority of those opposed to the Republicans. The third clause, denying the right of Congress to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia was defeated by the same vote, the Republicans all voting against it, and the remainder of the Committee for it. The fourth clause, establishing the right of transit, was defeated by the same vote. The fifth, which is intended to perfect the Fugitive Slave law, by requiring the several States to pay for fugitives who might be rescued from the officers of the law, was lost by the same vote, the Republicans all voting in the negative. Many other propositions were offered and voted upon, but none of leading importance, none that would meet the great exigencies of the times. Mr. Davis submitted a resolution expressly The vote on Mr. Crittenden's first resolu- recognizing property in slaves, but no vote tion was as follows: was taken on it. For the proposition-Messrs. Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell-5. Mr. Toombs submitted a series of resolutions, embracing substantially the principles Against it-Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, of the Breckenridge platform, but final action Wade, Toombs, Grimes and Hunter-7. Messrs. Hunter, Toombs and Davis, nevertheless, intimated an inclination to go for was not taken on them. The Committee adjourned, to meet at ten o'clock on Monday morning. "It is now seventy-three years since the union between the United States was made by the Constitation of the United States. During this period their advance in wealth, prosperity, and power, has been with scarcely a parallel in the history of the world. The great object of their union was external defense from the aggressions of more powerful nations; now complete, from their mere progress in power, thirtyone millions of people, with a commerce and navigation which explores every sea, and of agricultural production which are necessary to every civilized people, command the friendship of the world. But, unfortunately, our internal peace has not grown with our external prosperity. Discontent and contention have moved in the bosom of the Confederacy for the last thirty-five years. During this time South Carolina has twice called her people together in solemn convention, to take into consideration the aggressions and unconstitutional wrongs perpetrated by the people of the North on the people of the South. These wrongs were submitted to by the people of the South, under the hope and expectation that they would be final. But these hopes and expectations have proved to be void. Instead of being incentives to forbearance our submission has only instigated to new forms of aggressions and outrage, and South Carolina, again assembling her people in convention, has this day dissolved her connection with the States constituting the United States. "The one great evil, from which all other evils have flowed, is the overthrow of the Constitution of the United States. The Govern Address to the Slaveholding States. ment of the United States is no longer the government of a confederate republic, but of a consolidated democracy. It is no longer a free government, but a despotism. It is, in fact, such a government as Great Britain attempted to set over our fathers, and which was resisted and defeated by a seven years' struggle for independence. "The Revolution of 1776 turned upon one great principle, self-government and self-taxation, the criterion of self-government. Where the interests of two people united together under one Government are different, each must have the power to protect its interests by the organization of the Government or they cannot be free. The interests of Great Britain and of the colonies were different and antagonistic. Great Britain was desirous of carrying out the policy of all nations toward their colonies of making them tributary to their wealth and power. She had vast and complicated relations with the whole world. Her policy toward her North American colonies was to identify them with her in all these complicated relations, and to make them bear, in common with the rest of the empire, the full burden of her obligations and necessities. She had a vast public debt; she had a European policy and an Asiatic policy, which had occasioned the accumulation of her public debt, and which kept her in continual wars. The North American colonies saw their interests, political and commercial, sacrificed by such a policy. Their interests required that they should not be identified with the burdens and wars of the mother country. They had been settled under charters which gave them self-government, at least so far as their property was concerned. They had taxed themselves, and had never been taxed by the Government of Great Britain. To make them a part of a consolidated empire, the Parliament of Great Britain determined to assume the power of legislating for the colonies in all cases whatsoever. Our ancestors resisted the pretension. They refused to be a part of the consolidated Government of Great Britain. Address to the Slaveholding states. Address to the Slaveholding States. They were fully "The Southern States now the British Government, the stand exactly in the same posi- taxes collected from them tion toward the Northern States weuld have been expended on that our ancestors in the colonies did toward Great other parts of the British Empire. Britain. The Northern States, having the majority in aware of the effect of such a policy in impoverishing Congress, claim the same power of omnipotence in the people from whom taxes are collected, and in enlegislation as the British Parliament. The general riching those who receive the benefit of their expenwelfare' is the only limit to the legislation of either; diture. To prevent the evils of such a policy was one and the majority in Congress, as in the British Par- of the motives which drove them on to revolution. Yet liament, are the sole judges of the expediency of the this British policy has been fully realized toward the legislation this general welfare' requires. Thus the Southern States by the Northern States. The peoGovernment of the United States has become a con-ple of the Southern States are not only taxed for the solidated Government, and the people of the South-benefit of the Northern States, but after the taxes ern States are compelled to meet the very despotism are collected three-fourths of them are expended at their fathers threw off in the Revolution of 1776. the North. This cause, with others connected with the operation of the General Government, has prov incialized the cities of the South. Their growth is paralyzed, while they are the mere suburbs of Northern cities. The basis of the foreign commerce of the United States are the agricultural productions of the South; yet Southern cities do not carry it on. Our foreign trade is almost annihilated. In 1740 there were five ship-yards in South Carolina to build ships to carry on our direct trade with Europe. Between 1740 and 1779 there were built in these yards twenty-five square-rigged vessels, besides a great number of sloops and schooners, to carry on our coast and West India trade. In the half century immediately preceding the Revolution, from 1725 to 1775, the population of South Carolina increased "The consolidation of the Government of Great Britain over the colonies was attempted to be carried out by the taxes. The British Parliament undertook to tax the colonies to promote British interests. Our fathers resisted this pretension. They claimed the right of self-taxation through their Colonial Legislatures. They were not represented in the British Parliament, and therefore could not rightfully be taxed by its Legislature. The British Government, however, offered them a representation in the British Parliament; but it was not sufficient to enable them to protect themselves from the majority, and they refused it. Between taxation without any representation, and taxation without a representation adequate to protection, there was no difference. By neither would the colonies tax them-seven-fold. selves. Hence they refused to pay the taxes laid by the British Parliament. "The Southern States now stand in the same relation toward the Northern States, in the vital matter of taxation, that our ancestors stood toward the people of Great Britain. They are in a minority in Congress. Their representation in Congress is useless to protect them against unjust taxation, and they are taxed by the people of the North for their benefit, exactly as the people of Great Britain taxed our ancestors in the British Parlisment for their benefit. For the last forty years the taxes laid by the Congress of the United States have been laid with a view of subserving the interests of the North. The people of the South have been taxed by duties on imports, not for revenue, but for an object inconsistent with revenue to promote, by prohibitions, Northern interests in the productions of their mines and manufactures. "There is another evil in the condition of the Southern toward the Northern States, which our ancestors refused to bear toward Great Britain. Our ancestors not only taxed themselves, but all the taxes collected from them were expended among them. Had they submitted to the pretensions of "No man can for a moment believe that our ancestors intended to establish over their posterity exactly the same sort of government they had overthrown. The great object of the Constitution of the United States, in its internal operation, was, doubtless, to secure the great end of the Revolution-a limited free government-a government limited to those matters only which were general and commor to all portions of the United States. All sectional or local interests were to be left to the States. By no other arrangement would they obtain free government by a Constitution common to so vast a Confederacy. Yet by gradual and steady encroachments on the part of the North, and submission on the part of the South, the limitations in the Consti tution have been swept away, and the Government of the United States has become consolidated, with a claim of limitless powers in its operations. "It is not at all surprising, while such is the character of the Government of the United States, that it should assume to possess power over all the institutions of the country. The agitations on the subject of Slavery in the South are the natural results of the consolidation of the Government. Responsi bility follows power; and if the people of the North ADDRESS TO THE SLAVE HOLDING STATES. 109 Address to the Slaveholding States. Address to the Slaveholding States. have the power by Congress 'tof | hend that seeming paradox, that promote the general welfare o the more power is given to the the United States' by any means general Government the weaker they deem expedient, why should they not assail it becomes. Its strength consists in its generality and and overthrow the institution of Slavery in the limitations. To extend the scope of its power over South? They are responsible for its continuance or sectional or local interests, is to raise up against it existence, in proportion to their power. A majority opposition and resistance. In all such matters the in Congress, according to their interested and per- General Government must necessarily be a despotverted views, is omnipotent. The inducements to ism, because all sectional or local interests must ever act upon the subject of Slavery, under such circum- be represented by a minority in the councils of the stances, were so imperious as to amount almost to a General Government-having no power to protect moral necessity. To make, however, their numeri- itself against the rule of the majority. The majority, cal power available to rule the Union, the North constituted from those who do not represent these must consolidate their power. It would not be sectional or local interests, will control and govern united on any matter common to the whole Union- them. A free people cannot submit to such a Govin other words, on any constitutional subject-for ernment; and the more it enlarges the sphere of its on such subjects divisions are as likely to exist in power the greater must be the dissatisfaction it must the North as in the South. Slavery was strictly a produce, and the weaker it must become. On the sectional interest. If this could be made the crite- contrary, the more it abstains from usurped powers, rion of parties at the North, the North could be and the more faithfully it adheres to the limitations united in its power, and thus carry out its measures of the Constitutions, the stronger it is made. The of sectional ambition, encroachment, and aggran- Northern people have had neither the wisdom nor dizement. To build up their sectional predominance the faith to perceive that to observe the limitation in the Union, the Constitution must be first abolished of the Constitution was the only way to its perby constructions; but, that being done, the consoli-petuity. dation of the North to rule the South, by the tariff and Slavery issues, was in the obvious course of things. "Under such a Government there must, of course, be many and endless irrepressible conflicts,' between the two great sections of the Union. The same faithlessness which has abolished the Constitution of the United States, will not fail to carry out the sectional purposes for which it has been abolished. There must be conflict; and the weaker section of the Union can only find peace and liberty in an independence of the North. The repeated efforts made by South Carolina, in a wise conservatism, to arrest the progress of the General Government in its fatal progress to consolidation, have been unsupported and denounced as faithless to the obligations of the Constitution by the very men and States who were destroying it by their usurpations. It is now too late to reform or restore the Government of the United States. All confidence in the North is lost in the South. The faithlessness of half a century has opened a gulf of separation between them which no promises or engagements can fill. "The Constitution of the United States was an experiment. The experiment consisted in uniting under one Government different peoples, living in different climates, and having different pursuits of industry and institutions. It matters not how carefaily the limitations of such a government be laid down in the constitution-its success must at least depend upon the good faith of the parties to the constitutional compact in enforcing them. It is not in the power of human language to exclude false inferences, constructions, and perversions, in any constitution; and when vast sectional interests are to be subserved, involving the appropriation of countless millions of money, it has not been the usual experience of mankind that words on parchment can arrest power. The Constitution of the United States, irrespective of the interposition of the States, rested on the assumption that power would yield to faith- "It cannot be believed that our ancestors would that integrity would be stronger than interest, and have assented to any union whatever with the peothat thus the limitations of the Constitution would ple of the North if the feelings and opinions now exbe observed. The experiment has been fairly made. isting among them had existed when the Constitution The Southern States, from the commencement of was framed. There was then no tariff-no Negro the Government, have striven to keep it within the fanaticism. It was the delegates from New England orbit prescribed by the Constitution. The experi- who proposed, in the Convention which framed the meat has failed. The whole Constitution, by the con- Constitution, to the delegates from South Carolina structions of the Northern people, has been swal- and Georgia, that if they would agree to give Conlowed up by a few words in its preamble. In their gress the power of regulating commerce by a majoreckless lust for power they seem unable to compre-rity, that they would support the extension of the |