It is then apparent, that the 14 carry the question against the 43, and the minority overpowers the majority, contrary to the common practice of assemblies in all countries and ages.

The greater states, sir, are naturally as unwilling to have their property left in the disposition of the smaller, as the smaller are to leave theirs in the disposition of the greater. An honorable gentleman has, to avoid this difficulty, hinted a proposition of equalizing the states. It appears to me an equitable one; and I should, for my own part, not be against such a measure, if it might be found practicable. Formerly, indeed, when almost every province had a different constitution, some with greater, others with fewer privileges, it was of importance to the borderers, when their boundaries were contested, whether by running the division lines they were placed on one side or the other. At present, when such differences are done away, it is less material. The interest of a state is made up of the interests of its individual members. If they are not injured, the state is not injured. Small states are more easily, well, and happily governed than large ones. If, therefore, in such an equal division, it should be found necessary to diminish Pennsylvania, I should not be averse to the giving a part of it to New Jersey, and another to Delaware; but as there would probably be considerable difficulties in adjusting such a division; and however equally made at first, it would be continually varying by the augmentation of inhabitants in some states, and their more fixed proportion in others; and thence frequent occasion for new divisions; 1 beg leave to propose for the consideration of the committee another mode, which appears to me to be as equitable, more easily carried into practice, and more permanent in its nature.

Let the weakest state say what proportion of money or force it is able and willing to furnish for the general purposes of the union.

Let all the others oblige themselves to furnish each an equal proportion.

The whole of these joint supplies to be absolutely in the disposition of congress.

The congress in this case to be composed of an equal number of delegates from each state:

And their decisions to be by the majority of individual members voting. If these joint and equal supplies should on particular occasions not be sufficient, let congress make requisitions on the richer and more powerful states for further aids, to be voluntarily afforded; so leaving each state the right of considering the necessity and utility of the aid desired, and of giving more or less as it should be found proper.

This mode is not new; it was formerly practised with success by the British government, with respect to Ireland and the colonies. We sometimes gave even more than they expected or thought just to accept; and in the last war, carried on while we were united, they gave us back in VOL. I. 30

five years a million sterling. We should probably have continued such voluntary contributions, whenever the occasion appeared to require them for the common good of the empire. It was not till they chose to force us, and to deprive us of the merit and pleasure of voluntary contributions, that we refused and resisted. Those contributions, however, were to be disposed of at the pleasure of a government in which we had no representative. I am therefore persuaded that they will not be refused to one in which the representation shall be equal.

My learned colleague has already mentioned, that the present mode of voting by states, was submitted to originally by congress, under a conviction of its impropriety, inequality, and injustice. This appears in the words of their resolution. It is of Sept. 6, 1774. The words are,

"Resolved, That in determining questions in this congress, each colony or province shall have one vote: the congress not being possessed of, or at present able to procure, materials for ascertaining the importance of each colony."

Dr. Franklin's Motion for Prayers in the Convention.

MR. PRESIDENT,

THE small progress we have made after four or five weeks' close attendance and continual reasonings with each other, our different sentiments on almost every question, several of the last producing as many Noes as Ayes, is methinks a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running all about in search of it. We have gone back to antient history for models of government, and examined the different forms of those republics, which, having been originally formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist; and we have viewed modern states all round Europe, but find none of their constitutions suitable to our circumstances.

In this situation of this assembly, groping, as it were, in the dark, to find political truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how as it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understandings?--In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the divine protec tion! Our prayers, sir, were heard;—and they were graciously answered. All of us, who were engaged in the struggle, must have observed fre quent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful friend?-or do we imagine we no longer need its assistance-I have lived, sir, a long time; and the longer I live,

the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, That God governs in the affairs of men! And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid?-We have except the Lord build been assured, sir, in the Sacred Writings, that " the house, they labor in vain that build it." 1 firmly believe this; and I also believe, that without his concurring aid, we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel: we shall be divided by our little partial local interests, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and a by-word down to future ages. And what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing government by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war, and conquest.

I therefore beg leave to move,

That henceforth prayers, imploring the assist nce of Heaven, and its blessing on our deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning before we proceed to business; and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate in that service.

[Note by Dr. Franklin.] "The convention, except three or four persons, thought prayers unnecessary!!”

Dr. Franklin's private sentiments with respect to this new constitution, may be gathered from the following extracts from letters he wrote about this time to some of his friends.

*

To M. Le Veilliard, at Passy.

Philadelphia, Feb. 17th, 1788.

“I SENT you with my last a copy of the new constitution proposed for the United States, by the late general convention. I sent one also to our excellent friend the duke de la Rochefoucault.

I attended the business of the convention faithfully for four months. Inclosed you have the last speech I made in it. Six states have already adopted the constitution, and there is now little doubt of its being accepted by a sufficient number to carry it into execution, if not immediately by the whole. -It has however met with great opposition in some of the

See Vol. V. p. 43%, of this Edition.

states; for we are at present a nation of politicians. And though there is a general dread of giving too much power to our governors, I think we are more in danger from the little obedience in the governed."

"It is very possible, as you suppose, that all the articles of the proposed new government will not remain unchanged after the first meeting of congress. I am of opinion with you, that the two chambers were not necessary, and I disliked some other articles that are in, and wished for some that are not in, the proposed plan: I nevertheless hope it may be adopted, thoug. I shall have nothing to do with the execution of it, being determined to quit all public business with my present employment. At 83 one certainly has a right to ambition repose."

To the same.

MY DEAR FRiend,

Philadelphia, June 8, 1788.

I RECEIVED a few days ago your kind letter of the 3d January.

The arrét in favor of the non-catholiques gives pleasure here, not only from its present advantages, but as it is a good step towards general toleration, and to the abolishing in time all party spirit among christians, and the mischiefs that have so long attended it. Thank God, the world is growing wiser and wiser; and as by degrees men are convinced of the folly of wars for religion, for dominion, or for commerce, they will be happier and happier.

Eight states have now agreed to the proposed new constitution; there remain five who have not yet discussed it; their

5 President of the state of Pennsylvania.

appointed times of meeting not being yet arrived. Two are to meet this month, the rest later. One more agreeing, it will be carried into execution. Probably some will not agree at present, but time may bring them in; so that we have little doubt of its becoming general, perhaps with some corrections. As to your friend's taking a share in the management of it, his age and infirmities render him unfit for the business, as the business would be for him. After the expiration. of his presidentship, which will now be in a few months, he is determined to engage no more in public affairs, even if required; but his countrymen will be too reasonable to require it. You are not so considerate; you are an hard task-master, You insist on his writing his life, already a long work, and at the same time would have him continually employed in augmenting the subject, while the time shortens, in which the work is to be executed. General Washington is the man that all our eyes are fixed on for president, and what little influence I may have, is devoted to him,

*

*

B. FRANKLIN.

To the Duke de la Rochefoucault.

Philadelphia, Oct. 22, 1788.

"OUR public affairs begin to wear a more quiet aspect.. The disputes about the faults of the new constitution are subsided. The first congress will probably mend the principal ones, and future congresses the rest. That which you mentioned did not pass unnoticed in the convention. Many, if I remember right, were for making the president incapable of being chosen after the first four years; but the majority were for leaving the electors free to choose whom they pleased; and it was alleged that such incapacity might tend to make the president less attentive to the duties of his office, and to the interests of the people, than he would be if a second choice depended on their good opinion of him. We are making experiments in politics; what knowlege we shall gain by them