Mr. MURRAY was surprised at the new turn which the debate had taken. Some days ago, the Committee had been amused and delighted with a splendid detail of the advantages to be secured to America, by the resolutions; but, since that time, the style had been reversed, and it was now frankly acknowledged that their sole end was, a system of hostility against Britain, and that it was the noble and patriotic passion of resentment which had produced them! But he was most of all surprised to see gentlemen going into a scheme which must blow up three-fourths of the revenues of the country. He could not imagine from what motives they were to cast themselves on their constituents in this way, or by what means they expected to be able to discharge the interest of the Public Debt. He was of opinion that no sinister motives of speculation in the Public Funds could influence that House. He was satisfied that it contained no speculators in paper, as had been asserted by the pen of calumny. He gave his hearty negative to the resolutions, in every shape. All the extensive information possessed by the gentleman who introduced them, all his abilities, and all the resources of his mind, had not been able to discover any method for discharging the interest of this Debt. Mr. S. SMITH, Mr. DEXTER, Mr. HILLHOUSE, Mr. FITZSIMONS, and other members, spoke on the subject. The Committee now rose, and reported progress, without taking a question on the amendment. WEDNESDAY, February 5. Mr. GILBERT, from the committee appointed, presented a bill for extending the time for transmitting the oaths of absent owners of vessels, and for the relief of Thomas Jenkins and Sons; which was read twice, and committed. Mr. GOODHUE, from the committee appointed, presented a bill for the remission of certain duties; which was twice read, and committed. Ordered, That the Message from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, of the thirtieth ultimo, enclosing the copy of a Letter from the Governor of North Carolina, covering a resolution of the Legislature of that State; as, also, the petitions of Thomas Person, and others, proprietors of lands in the Territory South of the river Ohio, and of the Trustees of the University of North Carolina, be referred to Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, Mr. BLOUNT, Mr. CARNES, Mr. ORR, and Mr. PRESton; that they do examine the matter thereof, and report the same, with their opinion thereupon, to the House. [FEBRUARY, 1794. sury, with an estimate of such further sums as may probably come into the Treasury, before the first of April next; and the demands that will probably be made on the Treasury to that time; with a state of the domestic loans, made pursuant to the order of the thirtieth of last month; which were read, and ordered to be committed to the Committee of the Whole House to whom is committed the bill making appropriations for the support of Government, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four. The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the report of the committee appointed to take into consideration the act "to establish the Judicial Courts of the United States," and report some provision in the case where any Judge of the Courts of the United States is, or may, by sickness or other disqualifying cause, be rendered incapable of discharging the duties of his office. Also, some further provision concerning bail, process, and costs, in the Courts of the United States; and, generally, to report such amendments to the said act, as they may judge necessary and Constitutional; and, after some time spent therein, the Committee rose and reported progress. COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES. A motion was made, that the House do now, according to the order of the day, resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the Report of the Secretary of State on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States in foreign countries. Mr. LYMAN wished that a delay might be granted, till advices could be. received from England. It lay as a weight on his mind, that the House should proceed with so much rapidity. He had no design in wishing for a delay, but merely that the House might act with greater certainty; because, after they had taken some decisive step, intelligence of an accommodating nature might arrive from Britain, and cause them to regret the precipitation of their measures. He referred to the directions of the Executive to Mr. PINCKNEY, to send a final answer to this country by the first of December. Mr. BALDWIN recommended a delay during this whole session. He would not have sat silent during this discussion, as he hitherto had done, but from hopes that the subject would end in that way. It was his opinion, that this was one of those questions which had better be suffered to lie undisturbed for some time, as it would, by delay, be meliorated. Two years ago, when the question was agitated, he and some other gentlemen had persuaded those members, who were then exMr. TRACY, from the committee appointed to tremely anxious for a measure of this nature, to report whether any, and what, alterations or amend- postpone it. He had assured them, that they needments are, in their opinion, necessary to the acted to feel no alarm for their commerce and ship"to establish the Post Office and Post Roads of ping, as they would unquestionably rise fast into the United States," made a report; which was prosperity. At the desire of these gentlemen, the read, and ordered to be committed to a Commit- report had been made. But, last session, it was tee of the Whole House on Monday next. considered as too early to produce it, satisfactory The SPEAKER laid before the House a Letter information upon some points not having been obfrom the Secretary of the Treasury, accompany-tained. At the sitting down of this Congress, the ing a statement of the moneys now in the Trea- report had been laid on the table. It would have betrayed an improper disrespect for the last Congress; for the Secretary who gave in the report, and for the gentleman, whose solicitations had brought it into existence, not to have paid it notice. But the predictions of Mr. B. had been fully realized. The alarm had subsided. The very members who had been anxious for reports and restrictions, were convinced, from experience, that their trade and shipping were in no danger. In spite of their severe losses by sea, they were all content to put up with them for the sake of cultivating the advantages of peace. Time had satisfied them with their situation; and if the subject should be suffered to sleep till another session, time would, in the same way, convince the other gentlemen, at present for the resolutions, that they were superfluous; he, therefore, advised to defer the consideration of the question. The parties had shifted sides, and would all, in the course of time, be of one mind. [H. OF R. property had been seized and carried into her ports, in contradiction to reason and to justice. He had not yet had time to collect the proofs of this, such as to enable him to make a regular application to the Government of this country; and he supposed that many other merchants were in the same situation as to this point. The prohibition of commerce between America and France by the combined Powers, was more injurious in idea, than in reality; and, that he might not be misunderstood, he should beg leave to explain himself. In fact, no merchant of this country would think of sending his property to France; for the Convention, many months before the proclamation of the combined Powers, had effectually prohibited the importation of the productions of America into France, by suffering no French products or manufactures to be sent out of France; nor, indeed, anything but assignats, which were of no service in the United States. Mr. FORREST thought it extremely improper to defer or delay a decision; an alarm had been spread. It was proper to relieve the minds of the people. He wished to go into a Committee immediately; and, if that should be refused, he would have the yeas and nays taken on the question. Mr. MADISON had no objection to delay. As to the resolutions, in answer to Mr. DAYTON, Who had spoke of the versatility of the ideas of the mover, he said, that he had always reconciled himself to giving up some parts, and making partial sacrifices, provided the great principle was pre Mr. SHERBURNE said, that he was one of only two members from New England, who had voted for the resolutions. He did so, because he believed them to correspond both with the inclinations and the interest of his constituents. If their opinion had been different from his, he would have resigned it, in deference to that of those who sent him into the House. Since he had given his vote, he had heard so many assertions, that four-fifths of the people of America were against the resolutions, that he was disposed to wish for a delay, till he had learned the real state of public sentiment. Mr. CLARK thought it reasonable to grant a de-served. lay, if the member who asked for it [Mr. LYMAN] did not mean this, as an expedient, to put off the resolutions. It was proper that every gentleman should be, as much as possible, satisfied; and, besides, to postpone proceedings till advice came from Britain, was cutting off the right arm of ar-raised the prices. guments of the gentlemen in opposition. Mr. TRACY begged that the resolutions might be deferred for this day, at least, because he had a report to lay before the House respecting the Post Office and Post Roads, which could not be delayed. Mr. LYMAN declared that, in asking a delay, he had no motive but what he had openly stated. He did not wish to postpone the discussion for any other reason. Mr. GOODHUE differed from the member from New Jersey, as to the refusal of redress by England cutting off the right arm of the arguments against the resolutions. He had not the least idea of redress in that quarter, as to the stopping of vessels with provisions for France. He had opposed the resolutions, but not from any idea of an alteration in that point. Mr. LYMAN then moved, that the further consideration of the resolutions be deferred till the first Monday in March next. Mr. SHERBURNE seconded the motion. Mr. FITZSIMONS said, that it was not, in his mind, of the smallest consequence whether the motion was carried or lost; nor did he in the least care on which side his voice went. With respect to Britain, he had suffered by her severely. His Mr. FINDLEY, in a speech of some length, said, that, previous to the discussion on the resolutions, retailers had agreed to raise the price of goods, for other and well known reasons, but that he had not discovered that the wholesale merchants had Mr. FITZSIMONS contradicted Mr. FINDLEY, both as to this assertion, and another which he had made, that the merchants of Philadelphia were satisfied with the resolutions, which was contrary to the fact. He was authorized to say it was otherwise. Mr. FINDLEY acknowledged, that he had said, that at least four-fifths of the merchants, whom he had an opportunity of conversing with, were in favor of the resolutions. That he was safe in saying so, and that he had been informed of so many more having the same sentiments as to justify him, in his opinion, that the merchants were not generally against the resolutions. That he had introduced this assertion in opposition to the frequent appeals that had been made to the opinions of the mercantile members of the House. "He had always thought appeals to the opinions of those on the same side of the question, an improper argument. He did not admit, however strongly it had been asserted, that all the members engaged in commerce, were against the resolutions. And when he reflected upon the great influence arising from the mercantile accommodation of credit and assertments, so much urged by the member who took the lead in opposing the resolutions, land found so many merchants out of doors in fa H. OF R.] Difficulty with Algiers. [FEBRUARY, 1794. vor of them, he was convinced of the truth of the William B. Grove, George Hancock, Carter B. Harriobservation of a member from Maryland, [Mr. son, John Heath, Daniel Heister, John Hunter, WilSMITH,] that the merchants of the United States liam Irvine, Matthew Locke, William Lyman, Nathawere more patriotic, and understood the Constitu- niel Macon, James Madison, Alexander Mebane, Wiltion and interests of their country better than liam Montgomery, Andrew Moore, Peter Muhlenberg, those of other countries. For, when it was con- Joseph Neville, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Nasidered, that the object of commercial pursuits thaniel Niles, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker, John was gain, and that merchants, as such, had attach-Patton, Andrew Pickens, Francis Preston, Robert Ruthments to every country, in proportion to the ad- erford, Thomas Scott, John S. Sherburne, John Smilie, vantages they derived from it in trade; and that Van Cortlandt, Abraham Venable, Francis Walker, Israel Smith, Thomas Sprigg, Thomas Tredwell, Philip though they were, perhaps, more fully possessed Benjamin Williams, and Joseph Winston. of a general philanthropy, or of that kind of patriotism which embraces all mankind, yet, that they had not so much of that exclusive attachment to a particular country as other classes of citizens. He said that, when it was evident that such a vast proportion of mercantile gain and accommodation was enjoyed in the commerce with Britain, he was not surprised that so great a proportion of merchants were against resolutions, calculated to narrow that commerce, or that some who were once in favor of them, had been persuaded to change their mind. While he had not the least doubt that the merchants, with whom his colleague conversed, were against the measure, yet, he adhered to the truth of his former assertion. He said, it was not decent nor orderly to prove his assertion by mentioning names on the floor; but, if his colleague chose a private explanation, he would be convinced that the merchants who had declared themselves in favor of the resolutions were pretty numerous, and not inferior in respectability, nor in the extent of their commercial dealings, to those who were against them. In reply to the assertion, that the price of goods had been raised in consequence of the resolutions. He said that there was a greater number of country storekeepers in town than usual at this season. That he had frequently accompanied them to the wholesale merchants. That they purchased the Manchester goods as cheap, and, in some instances, cheaper, than ever he had seen them. That, though woollens were a little dearer than he had sometimes found them, yet they were not sold dearer at the wholesale stores, since the discussion on the resolutions began, than they were when Congress met. That, therefore, his assertion, as far as it went, was founded on incontrovertible facts, and the testimony of respectable merchants. That it was well known that those who kept retail stores had entered into an agreement to raise the price of cloths previous to the introduction of the resolutions. Mr. BOURNE, Mr. DAYTON, Mr. WADSWORTH, Mr. SHERBURNE, Mr. AMES, Mr. CLARK, and Mr. BOUDINOT, also spoke. The question was then taken to postpone the subject to the first Monday in March next; and it was resolved in the affirmative-yeas 51, nays 47, as follows: YEAS.-Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Thomas P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Abraham Clark, Isaac Coles, Henry Dearborn, George Dent, William Findley, William B. Giles, James Gillespie, Nicholas Gilman, Christopher Greenup, Andrew Gregg, NAYS.-Fisher Ames, James Armstrong, John Beat- THURSDAY, February 6. A petition of Thomas Perkins and Company, of the city of Philadelphia, was presented to the House and read, praying that an additional duty may be laid on the importation of nails, or such encouragement given to the manufacture of the said article within the United States as, to the wisdom of Congress, shall seem meet. Ordered, That the said petition be referred to Mr. WATTS, Mr. COIT, and Mr. HINDMAN; that they do examine the matter thereof, and report the same, with their opinion thereupon, to the House. DIFFICULTY WITH ALGIERS. After the reading of some private petitions, it was moved that the House go into a Committee on the state of the Union. The draft of a resolution was handed to the SPEAKER, which had been drawn up by the committee appointed to examine the papers on the Algerine business. The substance of the resolution was, that certain parts had been marked by the committee as improper for publication; and, therefore, that, in the course of the discussion, they should not be referred to, or the reading of them called for, by any of the members. A motion to this purpose was then made and seconded. Mr. HUNTER said he would treat the committee as he would wish them to treat him. He had no design of condemning the committee; but he could not think of attempting to discuss a question where he was not at liberty to call for and examine the very materials requisite for deciding his opinion. On motion, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. The resolution being read for building four ships of 44 guns and two ships of 20 guns Mr. MADISON rose to inquire whether there was, in the public stores of the United States, a sufficient quantity of cedar and live oak for building the proposed six vessels? He was answered that there was not. Mr. M. then observed, that it was evident this fleet could not be ready for effective service in the course of the present year. He imagined that there was another resolution, precedent as to the time of voting it, which ought to be before the Committee. The resolution to which he alluded, was that assigning a sum of money to buy a cessation of hostilities from the Regency of Algiers. He was of opinion that the project of fitting out an armed squadron was liable to many solid objections. There were two points of light in which this subject might be surveyed. The first of these was, whether the Algerines acted from their own impulse in this matter? In that case, they were known to be in the habit of selling a peace; and, if they are willing to do so, he fancied that it might be purchased for less money than the armament would cost. On the other hand, if they do not act from their own impulse, but upon the instigation of Britain, we may depend upon it that they cannot be bought. Britain will keep them hostile. There is infinitely more danger of a British war from the fitting out of ships than from the resolutions on the report of the Secretary of State. The distance which the ships would have to sail is not less than three thousand miles, and their number is too small for a decisive advantage. The Combined Powers would embrace the equipment of these ships as an excellent opportunity to pick a quarrel with the United States. Mr. M. expressed his doubts with regard to the propriety of this measure, because the expense would be immense, and there was no certainty of reaping any benefit from it. Mr. CLARK was anxious to state his doubts on this subject, that gentlemen, who, by their habits of life, had met with opportunities of better information than he possessed, might correct him where he was wrong. In the first place, the ships would be too small in point of number to be of any kind of importance, amidst the numerous navies of Europe. The distance from any friendly port, where, in case of accidents, they might repair, was likewise very great. It was to be expected that, when they fell in with British ships of war, that the latter would endeavor to search them for prohibited cargoes, and for seamen, because they were in the practice of impressing their own countrymen wherever they could find them. This would produce a quarrel. There was a scheme which occurred to him, and which he judged would be less expensive and more effectual. This was, to hire the Portuguese to cruise against the Algerines. He understood that the Court of Lisbon desired to keep her ships of war in actual service. The British have been in the habit of building frigates for the service of the Algerines, and, as he was informed, mariners, at [H. of R. a distance upon sea, could distinguish in what country vessels were built by their construction. Hence it would be difficult for the captain of an American frigate to ascertain at sea a British ship of war from an Algerine. He had an objection to the establishment of a fleet, because, when once it had been commenced, there would be no end of it. We must then have a Secretary of the Navy, and a swarm of other people in office, at a monstrous expense. If we build six ships this year, we should next year find it necessary to build six more, and so on. The Combined Powers would find a much better pretence for a war by this armament than from the resolutions on the Report of the Secretary. Mr. C. closed his speech, which was heard with great attention, by observing, that he rose principally to submit his opinions on this question as hints for those who were better qualified to form a judgment on the subject than himself. Mr. BALDWIN expressed his doubts as to every part of this subject. He had not been able to gain any information that was satisfactory. To block up the Mediterranean was, he believed, impracti cable. Bribery alone could purchase security from the Algerines. Spain and Britain had always found this method the cheapest. He had much confidence in the gentleman who had been employed to go as an Envoy to Algiers from this country. He was a thorough man. Mr. B. had yet formed no decided opinion, and could wish to suspend his judgment till he learned the issue of the present application to the Dey. If bribery would not do, he should certainly vote for equipping a fleet. Mr. NICHOLAS feared that we were not a match for the Algerines. A small number of sailors were sufficient to navigate one of their ships, and they had a militia to man them who were innumerable. He had not been able to form an exact opinion, but he was afraid that we were not a match for them by sea. Mr. S. SMITH rose chiefly to answer the interrogatories proposed by Mr. CLARK, as to what harbors in Europe American ships could retire to for shelter? In an early part of his life, Mr. S. said that he had been in that part of the world, and could assure the House that there was no want of proper harbors to refit or obtain provisions in. The first he mentioned was Toulon; Marseilles, likewise, had a most excellent harbor, and there was no doubt that our vessels would be received there in the most friendly way, as the Algerines had lately declared war against the Republic of France. Spain had, likewise, several excellent ports-Malaga, Cadiz, Barcelona, and Ferrol. In all these the American squadron would be heartily welcome, and meet with all kinds of naval stores in the greatest abundance. Lisbon, also, was a fine harbor, and Oporto would be proper for the same purpose. So that, in case of accident, the armament had nothing to fear from wanting a place of retreat. He had no doubt that our vessels and our sailors would both be much superior to those of the Algerines. Their ships were old and crazy, and were presents made H. OF R.] Difficulty with Algiers. [FEBRUARY, 1794. of an enemy, he should not have the least scruple of engaging to run a ship by such forts, when there was in view so great a prospect as the plunder of Philadelphia. He strongly pressed the necessity of sending out the proposed fleet as quickly as possible. Mr. AMES attacked the mover of the resolutions on the Report of the Secretary [Mr. MADISON] for not displaying in the affair of the Algerines some part of the spirit which he had exerted on the other occasion. He thought it shameful to buy a peace, and that there could be no security, if we did. He recommended an armament. Portugal had shown herself friendly; and, referring to what Mr. CLARK had stated, he was of opinion she would give our ships shelter in her ports. He thought that six stout frigates at the mouth of the Straits would do the business. He went at considerable length into Mr. MADISON's resolutions, and condemned, upon various grounds, the arguments and conduct of the gentlemen who supported them. Yesterday, we were told that Britain durst not quarrel with America, and to-day she is represented as ready to do it. Our commerce is on the point of being annihilated, and, unless an armament is fitted out, we may very soon expect the Algerines on the coast of America. them by the Powers with whom they are not at war. The American bottoms must be better; and our fleet will most likely have its station between Oran and Malaga, and, stretching across between those two ports, block up the mouth of the Straits. He adverted to the mistake of Mr. BALDWIN, who had said that Spain never attempted to block up the Straits; the proper answer to which was, that Spain had an extensive coast, not less than four or five hundred miles, within the Mediterranean; so that she was quite differently situated, with regard to them, from America. Mr. S. mentioned, as a consolatory circumstance, that our profit was twice as great at present, in commerce, as it was before the war, in spite of all the spoliations committed by Britain and by Spain; and, if the war continues, the profits will continue to multiply twice as fast as they would otherwise do. As an evidence of this fact, he mentioned the high price of wheat at present in this market, and asked whether any gentleman had heard of a price so high at this season of the year before? A gentleman [Mr. NICHOLAS] had spoken of an Algerine militia. Why, sir, (said Mr. S.,) I shall set down against them the American militia, and so that account is settled. He estimated that the whole American exports and imports, in round numbers, was twenty millions of dollars each; Mr. GILES, in reply, said that Mr. AMES drew and that the extra insurance on account of the inconsistent pictures. One day he represented Algerines, from one end of the year to the other, the American commerce at the summit of proswould not be less than five per cent. on the whole, perity; the next, it was reduced to nothing. In which was, altogether, two millions of dollars. defence of the commercial regulations, he remindFrom this Mr. S. inferred that it must be the very ed the House that Britain, and not Algiers, was worst kind of economy to hazard an expense of the real object of alarm, and the real source of two millions of dollars of insurance, for the sake hostility. It was, therefore, proper to provide reof saving the charges of this armament. He did medies against both of these illustrious confede not see it improbable that the Algerines might rates. Algiers was but the instrument, Britain very soon be on our coast, under the command of was the cause. The reliance of Britain upon this British or American renegadoes. It was nothing instrument plainly showed that she was not equal uncommon, among seamen, for two captains to be to a war and a commercial contest. She had, in the greatest friendship to-day, and plundering therefore, turned loose the Algerines upon us-a each other's vessels to-morrow. As an example fact which is pretty generally acknowledged on of what Americans, in particular, are capable of both sides of the House. It is, therefore, in the doing, he repeated the history of a Mr. Cooper, of power of Britain to prevent the progress of these Virginia, who, some years ago, fitted out a ship pirates. The commercial restrictions will reduce for the express purpose of cruising against Ame- Britain to difficulty, and she will then, for the rican vessels bound from or to the East Indies. sake of friendship with America, be glad to put a He sent a person into the harbor of Algiers to so- stop to the Algerine ravages. Until some mealicit a commission from the Dey, and this Envoy sure of this kind has been adopted, Britain, as she had very near been taken prisoner, as the Dey has raised up Algiers, will keep her up. The wanted to have made a slave of him. Mr. S. said cheapest mode of getting peace will certainly be that Mr. Cooper was known to be a man of cou- by embracing the commercial regulations. Mr. rage, of perseverance, and as possessing that spe- G. was averse to the proposal of a fleet. He cies of intellectual resources which qualify an ad- agreed very much with the gentleman from New venturer for bold undertakings. He inferred, from Jersey, [Mr. CLARK,] that it would be a better exthis anecdote, that, if Mr. Cooper, a man of re-pedient to hire the fleet of Portugal. He conspectable birth and connexions, could form such a scheme, what was not to be feared from the common set of seamen? He could not tell where the danger might end; nor did he know whether Philadelphia itself would be in safety. They might speak of their forts as much as they pleased; he knew their force, and did not much value it. The British had gone past them, and what was to hinder the Algerines, or such a man as Mr. Cooper, from getting past them? Were he on the coast sidered the establishment of a maritime force as having a direct tendency to war; whereas, the commercial restrictions had the same tendency to peace. The sending of American armed ships into the midst of the fleets of Europe would certainly produce a quarrel. It had been well remarked. [by Mr. CLARK,] that, if an attempt was made to search our ships of war, like our merchantmen, it would infallibly produce a public affront, and consequent hostilities. |