one would think, in poetry itself, without peril to their matterof-fact character-instantly become imaginative on touching any part of Cabot's history.

In connexion with the statement of Stow, it may be mentioned that both Peter Martyr and the person, said to be Galeatius Butrigarius, who held the conversation with Cabot, at Seville, speak of a voyage from England subsequent to the father's death. Peter Martyr, in the passage usually cited on the subject, says nothing of dates, but writing afterwards in 1524, (Decade vii. cap. ii.) he refers to Cabot's voyage, as having taken place "twenty-six years since," that is, in 1498. To these statements, another is to be added, though it increases, perhaps, rather the number than the weight of authorities.

The first article in the third volume of Ramusio is a Summary of The Spanish Discoveries in the New World, drawn professedly from Peter Martyr, and entitled "Sommario della Historia dell' Indie Occidentali cavato dalli libri scritti dal Sig. Don Pietro Martire." It was first published anonymously, at Venice, in a separate form, in the year 1543,* and is quite unworthy of the place which it now occupies. The arrangement of Peter Martyr is entirely disregarded, and no reference is given to the original, by which any of the statements may be verified or disproved. Under the pretended sanction, too, of Peter Martyr, the writer has introduced many unfounded, and even absurd, assertions of his own. Thus the statement given in the original of the manner in which the bears catch fish, and which is confirmed by late accounts,† this writer has spun out into a minute and ridiculous description. It is here stated that Cabot reached only 55°, an assertion which the Biographie Universelle (art. Cabot) copies and cites as from Peter Martyr, when there is nothing of the kind in the original. In repeating the expression of Peter Martyr,

* Haym's “ Bibliotheca Italiana o sia notizia de Libro rari Italiani,” p. 131. † See Cartwright's Labrador.

Ramusio, tom. iii. fol. 35, in Index “Bacalai,” “ Sebastiano Gabotto,” and

1

about the death of the father, this writer says "after whose death, finding himself very rich and of great ambition, he resolved," &c. ("da poi la morte del quale trovandosi richissimo et di grande animo deliberosi," &c.) But, without laying any stress on such a statement, there is sufficient without it to supply an important auxiliary argument to that derived from the chroniclers.*

One circumstance is to be particularly noted. The second patent does not look to further discoveries, but merely authorises the patentee to revisit the Region already found, and to take thither such of the king's subjects as might be inclined to accompany him or his deputies.

According to Stow, the "Genoa's son" effected his object with the king, by a representation as to an Island "which he knew to be replenished with rich commodities," or as it is expressed in Hakluyt," which he said he knew well was rich and replenished with great commodities." Thus the language of the patent and of the chronicles is in consonance as to the purpose of the voyage of 1498. It no longer had reference, exclusively, to the search for a North-West Passage. The place of destination was some known definite point, which was supposed to offer an advantageous opening for traffic.

The argument to be fairly drawn from this coincidence is placed in a very striking point of view, by referring to writers who approached the statement of the chronicles under the misconception

*It is obvious that the Will of John Cabot might throw much light on this subject. If, as is probable, he died at Bristol, it would be proved at Worcester. On application at the Bishop's Registry, the acting Registrar, Mr. Clifton, writes thus: "The indices of Wills proved, and letters of administration granted, do not extend farther back than the year 1600. Previous to this period, these documents are tied up in linen bags without much form or order; so that a search for the Will of John Cabot, or Gabot, or Kabot would be attended with very considerable trouble and expense, whilst the chance of discovering it would be uncertain." Aside from historical purposes, it would be curious to see an instrument, dated some months before the time when Columbus (in August, 1498) first saw the Continent of America, which, probably, makes a disposition of the testator's interest in the tract of land lying between the present Hudson's Strait and Florida.

that the reference was to the original expedition of 1497. Campbell, in The Lives of the Admirals, (article, Sir John Cabot,) adopts Hakluyt's substitution of John Cabot's name, and thus speaks of the patent of 3rd February, 1498.

"In consequence of this license, the King at his own expense caused a ship to be equipped at Bristol: to this the merchants of that city, and of London, added three or four small vessels, freighted with proper commodities, which fleet sailed in the spring of the year 1497. Our old Chronicle writers, particularly Fabian, tell us of a very rich island which John Cabot promised to discover; but in this they seem to mistake the matter for want of thoroughly understanding the subject of which they were writing. John Cabot was too wise a man to pretend to know, before he saw it, what country he should discover, whether island or continent; but what he proposed was to find a North-West passage to the Indies."

How does this patent of 3rd February 1498 scatter light around in every direction! After slumbering at the Rolls for upwards of three centuries, it reappears to vindicate, triumphantly, the fair fame of its venerable contemporaries thus flippantly assailed!

The same difficulty in reconciling the language of the ancient chronicles with the supposed allusion to the voyage of 1497, has led Harris* (ed. of 1744-8, vol. ii. p. 190) and Pinkerton (vol. xii. p. 158) to the positive assertion that John Cabot made a voyage as early as 1494, and that "upon this report of his," the first patent was granted. Mr. Barrow also (p. 32) is, from the same cause, driven to the assertion that it is impossible to understand the various accounts " but by supposing John Cabot to have made one voyage at least previous to the date of the patent." It has been before shewn, that such a supposition is not only inconsistent with every authentic statement, but at variance with the

* It is but just to remark, that though the volume here referred to bears the name of Harris, and is so copied and cited by Pinkerton, yet the passages in question make no part of the original work. Daines Barrington, Esq., in his " Possibility of approaching the North Pole," &c. (ed. of 1818,

p. 15,) states, that the supplemental matter was furnished by Dr. Campbell. No method is used to distinguish the original from what is interpolated; and Pinkerton was, probably, thus misled.

terms of the first patent itself. We now see that it is as unnecessary as it is unwarranted.

The plain distinction between the two voyages clears up an incidental difficulty. Many writers have been perplexed by finding that while some accounts speak of the enterprise as wholly at the expense of the Cabots, others represent the King to have had an interest in it. The reason is now obvious. The first vague exploratory voyage was at the expense of the individuals, to verify the speculations of Sebastian Cabot. The patent of 5th March, 1496, says expressly, that the enterprise is to be "at their own proper cost and charges." But when a specific discovery had been made, and the attention of the capitalists of London was drawn to the subject, the wary king himself yielded to the sanguine representations of the discoverers, and became a partner in the concern. This fact is very clearly established by the following entries in the Account of his Privy-Purse Expenses :

"22d March, 1498. To Lanslot Thirkill, of London, upon a prest,* for his shipp going towards the New Ilande, 201."

"Delivered to Launcelot Thirkill, going towards the New Isle, in prest, 201." April 1, 1498. To Thomas Bradley, and Lancelot Thirkill, going to the New Isle, 307.”

"To John Carter, going to the Newe Isle, in rewarde, 21.”

At this point the subject attracted the attention of a Chronicler living in London. It is not unnatural that he should suppose the region discovered to be an island, and that the same expression should be used by the Keeper of the Privy Purse, and others, whose minds had not then embraced the idea of a new Continent. The Chronicler speaks of documents submitted to the inspection of the king, and of the nature of which he evidently knew only by vague report. The King himself, however, who had listened to the statements of " the Genoas son," and saw his map, who heard of the mighty rivers which were found issuing into the sea, knew from these "charts and other reasonable demonstrations," that here must be something more than an island,

* In the way of loan or advance.

and we find, accordingly, in the patent of 3rd February, 1498, reference made to "the Londe and Isles," discovered.

To doubt, then, that a voyage took place in 1498, under Sebastian Cabot, violates every probability, is against strong collateral testimony, and rejects contemptuously the direct and positive averment of the ancient Chroniclers, at the very moment when we warm with indignation at the attempt of a shallow and presumptuous ignorance to depreciate them.

What was the result of the voyage? This is a question of more difficulty.

Peter Martyr and Gomara mention, as has been seen, that Sebastian Cabot had with him three hundred men. It is difficult to believe that such a number could have been taken in reference to a mere commercial enterprise, and absurd to connect them with the first exploratory voyage. The language, too, of the second patent seems to suggest that a settlement was intended, the royal permission to depart extending to "all such masters, mariners, pages, and other subjects, as of their own free will, will go and pass with him in the same ships, to the said Londe or Isles."

On a point so interesting as this, we may repeat here the language of Gomara. After mentioning that Sebastian Cabot was the first who brought intelligence of the Baccalaos, he proceeds:—

'El qual armo dos navios en Inglaterra do tratava desde pequeno a costa del Rey Enrique Septimo, que desseava contratar en la especieria, como hazia el rey d' Portugal. Otros disen que a su costa. Y que prometio al rey Enrique de yr por el norte al Catayo y traer de alla especias en menos tiempo que Portuguese, por el sur. Y va tambien par saber que tierra eran las Indias para poblar. Llevo trezientos hombres y cammo la buelta de Islādia sobre cabo del Labrador. Y hasta se poner en cinquenta y ocho grados. Aunque el dize mucho mas contando como avia por el mes de Julio tato frio y pedaços de yelo que no osó passar mas adelante. Y que los dios eran grandissimos y quasi sin noche y las noches muy claras. Es cierte que a sesenta grados son los dies de diez y ocho horas. Diēdo pues Gaboto la frialdad, y estraneza dela tierra, dio la vuelta hazia poniente y rehaziendo se en los Baccalaos corrio la costa hasta treienta y ochos grados y torno se de alli a Inglaterra." "Sebastian Cabot

was the fyrst that browght any knowleage of this lande. For beinge in Englande in the dayes of Kyng Henry the Seventh, he furnysshed twoo shippes at his owne charges, or (as sum say) at the Kynges, whome he persuaded that a