of eighteen, a classical education. Here his progress was so rapid, that he was enabled to join the junior class at Yale college in the autumn of 1802.

In that institution he took a high grade in all the studies; but, though he did not want imagination and taste, he was peculiarly distinguished by the depth and quickness of his intellect. He differed widely from Dr. Dwight, the eminent individual, who presided over the college, in political opinions, and, although they had frequent discussions, they were always of a friendly character. It is related that in the course of a recitation in Paley's Philosophy, the Doctor expressed a doubt, "whether the consent of the governed, was the only just origin of legitimate government?" This caused an animated debate between him and his pupil which held the class in delighted suspense till dinner, in the course of which the student evinced such depth of thought, and such power of argument and eloquence, that his celebrated preceptor predicted his future rise. "That young man," he said to a friend, "has talents enough to be president of the United States."

Just four years after commencing the Latin grammar, he graduated with the highest honors, at the head of a large and talented class, but was prevented by sickness from delivering his oration, the subject of which was "The qualifications necessary to a perfect statesman."

After enrolling himself, on his return home, a student of law with H. W. Desaussure, he returned to New England, and entered the Litchfield law school, where for eighteen months under the Judges Reeve and Gould, he made great advancement. The morning was devoted to law, the rest of the day to general literature and political science, and he cultivated with especial care, extemporaneous speaking. It was in the debating society of this place, where the most agitating political topics of the day were discussed before crowded meetings, that Mr. CALHOUN who was ever the champion of the republican side, first developed his great powers of parliamentary debate. It was his custom, even then, to prepare by reflection, and not by arranging on paper, what he meant to say, nor by taking notes of the arguments of others. A good memory preserved the order of his own thoughts, and a wonderful power of analysis and classification enabled him to digest rapidly, and distribute in their proper places, the answer and refutation of all the arguments of the speakers, however numerous, whom he followed.

In 1806, he returned to South Carolina, and in 1807 commenced,

in his native district, a lucrative practice, ranking, from the very outset, with the most eminent lawyers in his circuit. An incident occurred about this time, which brought him into distinguished notice. The affair of the Chesapeake had just created great excitement throughout the south: a meeting of the people was called at Abbeville court house, and Mr. CALHOUN was one of the committee appointed to draft an address and resolutions. He was requested also to address the meeting. The day arrived-the assembly was large. It was his first appearance before the public, and trying as was the situation, he acquitted himself in a manner that excited enthusiastic approbation. Soon after he was proposed as a candidate for the next legislature, and in spite of a prejudice which for years had prevented the election of a lawyer, he was chosen by an overwhelming majority. Here, during two successive sessions, he took the lead in every matter of importance, and eminently distinguished himself for that political foresight and sagacity, for which he has ever been so remarkable.

He took his seat in congress in the autumn of 1811, at the commencement of the first session of the twelfth congress, having been elected by a vast majority to represent the district composed of Abbeville, Newberry, and Laurens. His reputation had preceded him, and he was placed at once second on the committee of foreign affairs, which was at that juncture the most important. An able report, on which the discussions of the session chiefly turned, recommended an immediate appeal to arms, and Mr. CALHOUN's first effort in congress was, in sustaining the measures recommended, to reply to a most able and eloquent speech of John Randolph, also a member of the committee, and one of the most sagacious opponents and powerful orators, which this or any country ever boasted. Public excitement was strong, the house crowded, and the orator, rising with the greatness of the occasion, delivered a speech, which, for lofty patriotism, cogent reasoning, and soul-stirring eloquence, has seldom been equalled. It met unbounded and universal applause. He was compared to "one of the old sages of the old congress, with the graces of youth," and the "young Carolinian" was hailed as "one of the master spirits, who stamp their name upon the age in which they live."

Early in the session General Porter retired from congress, and Mr. CALHOUN was placed at the head of the committee on foreign relations, which committee, in addition to their appropriate duties, were called upon to report bills to carry into effect the military pre

parations they had recommended. Thus, by circumstances, as well as by preeminent ability, was he at this early period at the head of the party in the house of representatives, which sustained the war with England.

It was at this momentous period he delivered one of his best speeches, from which a short passage may be here extracted, as well because it evinced his profound and philosophical character of mind, as the independence of spirit, which could not in all cases, submit to the trammels of party, and led him to differ, in common with his able and virtuous colleague, Lowndes, from the administration, on the subject of the restrictive system and the navy. In speaking of the embargo, he says, "I object to the restrictive system because it does not suit the genius of the people, nor that of the government, nor the geographical character of our country. We are a people essentially active. I may say we are preeminently so. No passive system can suit such a people; in action superior to all others; in patient endurance inferior to many. Nor does it suit the genius of our government. Our government is founded on freedom, and hates coercion. To make the restrictive system effective, requires the most arbitrary laws. England, with the severest statutes, has not been able to exclude prohibited articles; and Napoleon, with all his power and vigilance, was obliged to resort to the most barbarous laws to enforce his continental system. This nation ought to be taught to rely on its own courage, its fortitude, its skill, and virtue for protection. These are the only safeguards in the hour of danger. Man was endowed with these great qualities for his defence. There is nothing about him that indicates that he is to conquer by endurance; he is not encrusted in a shell; he is not taught to rely upon his insensibility, his passive suffering, for defence. No, sir, it is on the invincible mind, on a magnanimous nature, he ought to rely. Here is the superiority of our kind; it is these that render man the lord of the world. It is the destiny of his condition that nations rise above nations as they are endowed in a greater degree with these brilliant qualities."

To trace Mr. CALHOUN's course or to recount his services during the war, would fill a volume. It is sufficient to say that in the leading position of chairman of the committee of foreign relations, in a complication of adverse circumstances, during the gloom of that contest, calculated to overwhelm the feeble and appal the stoutest, against a weight and ardor of opposition unknown to the congress of the revolution, he never faltered, never doubted, never despaired

of the republic; but by his genius and wisdom, patriotism and un shaken firmness, he rose conspicuous in the constellation of talents which distinguished both sides, and arousing his countrymen to action by the most animating strains of eloquence, made himself the chief support of the "second war of independence," and finally triumphed in the sunshine of glory which burst upon his country at its termination.

At this period the army, the navy, and the revenue had grown beyond the wants of peace, and the currency was deranged beyond all former example, except at the close of the war of the revolution. These subjects gave birth to momentous questions. Of them the first was the military peace establishment, about which there was great diversity of opinion. Mr. CALHOUN contended that a small peace establishment was most congenial with the institutions of the country, and that the great point was to have it permanent and well organized, an object which he afterwards effectually accomplished while secretary of war.

The other important subjects were deferred till the following session, when Mr. CALHOUN was placed at the head of the committee on currency. Events which took place at the preceding session, had designated him for the place, as he had then successfully resisted the project of a non-specie-paying bank, (devised principally with a view to enable the government to raise loans for the prosecution of the war,) under the conviction that such a bank, by reason of those loans, would on the return of peace be enlisted against the resumption of specie payments, and that its influence united with that of the state banks would defeat the efforts of congress to reestablish a sound currency. He believed that it was intended by the constitution, to place the currency under the control of the general government, and that the power over it was delegated to congress, and was not a right reserved to the states. Nothing could exceed the derangement of the currency at the termination of the war, when that power was exclusively exercised by the states, and the notes of banks incorporated by them which could not be converted into specie, and were depreciated according to circumstances from one to twenty per cent., constituted the currency in which the public dues were collected, the public creditors paid, and the moneyed transactions of the country carried on. After a full examination of the various remedies proposed for so fearful a disease, which threatened the union itself, it was believed by the committee, that the only practicable means of restoring a sound currency, and plac

ing it under the constitutional control of the general government, was the establishment of a bank of sufficient capital on sound principles, bound to redeem its notes in cash, which, by its influence and aid, would at once compel and assist the state banks to return to specie payments. A bill in conformity with this belief, was reported by Mr. CALHOUN, and with such forcible arguments did he sustain it; so clearly did he demonstrate the unconstitutional condition of the currency; so manifestly did he prove its danger and injustice, and that there was no other feasible remedy in the power of the house, that in spite of the opposing influence of the state banks, the constitutional scruples of many of the members, and the resistance of a number of the leaders of the opposition, he succeeded in effecting the passage of the bill, though it was well ascertained that a decided majority was opposed to it at its introduction. Of this powerful speech, nothing remains but an imperfect skeleton.

Beside the revenue bill, which gave rise to a debate on the state of the union, involving a discussion of the policy of the country in time of peace, in which Mr. CALHOUN made one of the most splendid displays of parliamentary eloquence ever exhibited before congress; other important subjects arose during the session, in all which he took a prominent part. But the lofty course pursued by him in regard to the "famous compensation law," very strongly marks his character, and may, perhaps, be best judged of, from the following eulogium pronounced by a strong political opponent. Mr. Grosvenor said "he had heard with peculiar satisfaction, the able, manly, and constitutional speech of the gentleman from South Carolina.” Here Mr. Grosvenor, recurring in his own mind to a personal difference with Mr. CALHOUN, which arose during the war-paused a moment, and then proceeded, "Mr. Speaker, I will not be restrained-no barrier shall exist, which I will not leap over, for the purpose of offering to that gentleman my thanks for the judicious, independent, and national course which he has pursued in the house for the last two years, and particularly on the subject now before us. Let the honorable gentleman continue with the same independence, aloof from party views and local prejudices, to pursue the great interests of his country, and fulfil the high destiny for which it is manifest he was born. The buzz of popular applause may not cheer him on the way, but he will inevitably arrive at a high and happy elevation in the view of his country and the world."

In December, 1817, Mr. CALHOUN was appointed by Mr. Monroe to the office of secretary of war. Here was a new theatre; his con