men.

This is the source of social order and comfort, and from it flow the invaluable rights of free-born EnglishThese rights consist in the full enjoyment of security, liberty, property, and the impartial administration of the laws. The Englishman, whenever he is attacked, is not condemned to silence, or left unprotected. He can exercise a censoral power over his enemies, and speak, or publish his sentiments to the world. The courts of law are open to his complaints, and he may throw himself with perfect confidence upon the upright and impartial deliberations of a jury of his equals. He can petition the king and parliament for a redress of his grievances, and he can keep arms for his defence suitable to his rank and condition. He thus enjoys all the privileges, which the `social compact, when properly understood, can bestow, and his sphere of action is as enlarged as a good citizen can desire. It is indeed only confined within such limits, as guard him from actions, which would prove dishonourable to himself, and pernicious to the public. See Blackstone's Comment. vol. i, p. 50, 127. vol. iii, p. 60. vol. iv, p. 267, &c.

This establishment is well adapted to the manners and character of the people. The freedom of spirit,

"Cunctas

confusa." Cicero Fragm. de Repub. lib. ii. nationes et urbes populus aut primores, aut singuli regunt : delecta ex his, et constituta reipublicæ forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest." Tacitus, Ann. Lib. iv. The original idea is to be found in Polybius : lib. vi. p. 628. vol. ii, Edit. Casaub. Upon the nature of different governments, their origin and revolutions, this profound author, whose works ought to be carefully studied by every statesman, has made some judicious remarks in his sixth book.

VOL. 11.

D

which forms its basis and produces its glory; and the
rational checks, which are laid upon the different
branches of the legislature, accord with that complex-
ional boldness of disposition, which is corrected by our
national sedateness and deliberation of character. The
temper of the people, like their climate, is variable and
cloudy, continually exhibiting the most striking con-
trasts: but their principles of action, like those of their
government and their religion, are permanent and fixed.
Stern o'er each bosom reason holds her state,
With daring aims, irregularly great;
Pride in their port, defiance in their eye,

I see the lords of human kind pass by;
Intent on high designs, a thoughtful band,
By forms unfashioned, fresh from nature's hand.
Fierce in their native hardiness of soul,

True to imagin'd right, above control:

While even the peasant boasts those rights to scan,
And learns to venerate himself as Man*.

The mild administration of justice, and the indulgence of the law to the accused, is correspondent with that national benevolence, which, at the call of distress and indigence, pours forth a stream of bounty with a degree of copiousness unknown in any other country. The equality of the laws, extending their unbounded control, their restraints, and privileges, from the throne to the cottage, cherishes the native dignity of the Briton, and increases the intrepidity of his character. This equality is moreover an incentive to every useful enterprise, and encourages that activity of mind and body, which is natural to man. In the extension of trade and

*Goldsmith's Traveller.

commerce to every quarter of the globe, in the perfection of manufactures, in the works of art, literature, and science, and in the execution of great projects which are recommended by the prospect of private advantage or public utility, the Englishman is ardent and indefatigable, and outstrips in the race of competition most of the inhabitants of the earth.

Such is the prospect of the British government, and such are its transcendent advantages and benign effects. Still, however, we are accustomed to hear complaints of the prevalence of various political evils, and public grievances. There are some indeed, which the enemies of their country exaggerate with a malevolent pleasure, and others which its friends acknowledge with sincere concern. But these are not the faults of the constitution; for if they were, they could. without difficulty be removed. And this displays the advantages arising from our political system in a new and striking light. For does it not possess a principle of amendment, and a capacity of nelioration? Without requiring any other aid, can it not supply a remedy for every disease, which it is in the power of any human system to alleviate or cure? The three great I branches of which it consists, the king, the lords, and the commons, can of themselves revise what is obsolete, correct what is wrong, extend what is partial, and supply what is deficient in the laws and constitutions of the state. They can remove the obstructions which impede the progress of the political machine; they can give new strength to its various parts, and new velocity to its motion. And the acts of parliament which are passed every session, adapted to the particular circumstances and necessities of the

times, are conspicuous and glorious proofs of this energetic and beneficial power.

Have we not therefore, I may confidently ask, abundant reason to glory in the name and in the privileges of Britons? Has not Providence showed its peculiar kindness in placing us in this favoured island, and sheltering us under the protection of this most excellent system? Let us cast our eyes around the globe, survey the mighty empires of the world, and contemplate the forms of government, by which they are distinguished; and then let us ask, if they can supply us with a superior, or an equal share of political good. From the arbitrary sway of a Russian Czar, or a Turk-ish Sultan, an Englishman turns with aversion: and with what eyes can he survey the inhabitants of other countries, with whom he has a closer relation from similarity of manners, or vicinity of situation? They can excite no emotions but those which increase his attachment to his own country-a country which has from generation to generation been favourable to the progress of that true liberty, which in ancient times showed, and only showed, herself for a short period to the brave and ingenious nations of the south of Europe. Short was her influence in polished Athens, short in martial Rome. Invisible to the world for ages, during the baleful prevalence of general tyranny, superstition, and barbarity, she at last appeared upon the shores of Britain; and finding the character and the genius of the people favourable to her great designs, here she fixed her abode, and developed her matchless plan. Here she seats a king upon the throne, whose happiness is centered in that of his subjects; and one of the noblest and most illustrious acts

of whose reign has been to render judges, the dispensers of the laws, perfectly independent of his will. Here she establishes the members of the houses of parliament, loyal, enlightened, and magnanimous. The expression of their united will is equal law, jus tice, toleration, security, order, and happiness. The rulers and the people, both those who give, and those to whom this happiness is imparted, deserve it the more, as it is their ardent wish and uniform endea vour to communicate the same blessings to others, which they enjoy themselves. In whatever regions of the globe the British commerce flourishes, are also felt the happy effects of the British polity. From the bleak mountains of Scotland, to the sunny shores of Malabar, is diffused its benign influence; and no place attests the power of Britain, which does not equally witness the mildness of her government, and the excellence of her laws.

And if more considerations can be wanted to endear our country and its political institutions to us, they may arise from the recollection of the great and extraordinary events which have taken place since the French revolution. Upon the continent we have seen the Genius of innovation plying his destructive work, overturning some governments by open war, and undermining others by secret plots. At home, we have witnessed the conflicts of party, and the conspiracies of faction; whilst our constitution, as "rocks resist the billows and the sky," has remained firms and uninjured. The storms which have assaulted it, and the shelter which it has afforded us, and all who have sought our shores for protection, have served to prove its unalterable stability, as well as its inestimable value.