MARCH, 1806.] DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Importations from Great Britain. go whatever length she may, until, on this same principle, we shall be called upon to surrender our independence, because we have to deal with a powerful nation! If we do not make a stand now against her aggressions, when or where shall we do it? But one alternative will remain-to bend our necks, to crouch beneath the tyrant, to submit without murmur to her insolence and injustice. FRIDAY, March 7. Importations from Great Britain. Mr. SLOAN.-I do not rise to deny, but to ac- [H. OF R. Mr. Chairman, however great my gratitude 2. Nor can I possibly discover that Great Britain stands precisely in the same situation that republican France did in '93. For information on this subject, let me ask, was it not British gold and British intrigue that then formed the coalition against republican France? And is it not the same that has formed the present coalition against monarchical France? Have the armies of France, in either case, adthe raising and advancing towards them of powvanced beyond their own territory, previous to erful armies for the express purpose of subjugating them, and dividing their property among the coalesced powers? If the accounts received are true, they have not. In answer to the assertion that our late conduct respecting Spain was such as we dare not mention; that we dare not take off the injuncBefore I sit down, let me ask the members of tion of secrecy; that we are ashamed to let the nation know the secret-permit me to assure that gentleman, and this committee, that I feel this committee, (especially you in whose ears neither shame, nor compunction of heart, for the expiring groans of your brethren in arms— the part that I acted in that business, not doubt- of your beloved fellow-citizens—yet vibrate; ing that, when the injunction is taken off, and slain by the murderous hands of the mercenaries the public acquainted with the whole transac- of Great Britain, or more barbarously deprived that same monarch reigns, and who, instead of tion, the real friends of the peace and interest of life by famine or pestilence,) can you, while of the United States will fully approve the conduct of the majority, (with whom I had the diminishing, has added to the long and black pleasure to act,) and which, were I, by side-catalogue of crimes set forth in our Declaration glances and insinuations, to endeavor to impress the public mind with a belief that a majority of their Representatives had acted in a manner they were ashamed of, I conceive my constituents would thenceforth consider me unworthy of their confidence, and, consequently, of a seat on this floor. We are told that we have no Cabinet. Is it necessary? is it recognized by the constitution? No! The President's powers are defined, and have, for five years, been fulfilled to the satisfaction of the people. I have heard of British Cabinets, British Ministers, and British Privy Councils. Of their conduct I formed a very bad opinion, before the member alluded to was out of his nurse's arms, and have seen no cause to change that opinion. It is therefore pleasing to me to hear that we have no such institution. of Independence, which induced you to risk your lives in opposition to his tyranny; can you with complacency, or any degree of approbation, sit and hear that Government who continues her tyranny and injustice to these United impressment of our seamen-held up by a memStates-witness the capture of our vessels and ber on this floor, as the only barrier we have against the tyranny of that nation who in our struggle assisted us with vessels of war, arms, fought by your side, and bled to support Amerammunition, men, and money; whose soldiers ican liberty and independence, and whose Government continues friendly towards us? I hope not; I believe you cannot; your hearts must turn indignant from such language. For my own part I am free to declare, that, since I have heard nothing that has so hurt my feelings. I had the honor of a seat on this floor, I have H. OF R.] Importations from Great Britain. [MARCH, 1806. have borne them in silence. I am happy in | have been lately told in this House, conscripts obtaining a few moments in my plain unlearned way to express them, that this committee and all the United States may know that I retain the same abhorrence against British tyranny that I did in the Revolutionary war, and also the same love for the liberty and independence of the United States. are forced to the army. Perhaps the conscripts are the same that we have been accustomed to call the classes of militia in this country; but it is of their own citizens. Impressments to the navy are a very different thing. It is such an exercise of tyranny that it is hoped will never be exercised in this country. Yet, still, except in the case of our seamen, it is their own subjects: they do not impress Swedes, Danes, or A man impressed is condemned to a slavery of the worst kind. Slavery, for a limited time, is a suitable punishment for crimes; but the sentence with us, and in all nations, civilized or savage, is decided by known and responsible judges to be the breach of some law. But by whom is the sentence of condemnation to slavery passed on our citizens, sailing under the protection of our own flag, chargeable with no crime? Not by a court of justice in any form; not even by an officer of high responsibility; but by some young subaltern of a man-of-war, which is universally admitted to resort to the most arbitrary species of government existing. No other crime is alleged to justify the condemnation, but that he speaks the English language, or has become an American citizen, and no other judge but a lieutenant or midshipman selected for this exertion of tyranny. Mr. FINDLAY said he had been long in the habit of observing, that, when a subject was discussed which occasioned numerous argu-Prussians. ments, the question was often lost sight of. In the heat of debate, instead of the subject before them, the preceding argument became the text to him that replied, and his to the next who took the floor, and so on, in succession, until some member succeeded in calling the attention of the members to the original subject. Though the present question had but a few days engaged the attention of the Committee of the Whole, yet, in his opinion, several of the speakers on the floor had lost sight of it, further than he had formerly observed in so short a time. He would attempt to draw the attention of the committee from these desultory excursions, which settle no point in debate, and often have no visible connection with it, to the important question they were called upon to decide; and in doing so, he would take no notice of any thing that had been offered as argument, which was not necessarily connected with the question. He would neither be the advocate nor apologist for any one nation of Europe, nor treat any other nation with irritating contempt. Language of the kind that has been used within two days past in this House ought not to be admitted, unless we were employed in discussing a manifesto to support a declaration of war, and even for that purpose it is inconsistent with national dignity. He said, the subject before the House was a resolution, referred to the Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union, to prohibit all importation of goods the produce or the manufacture of Britain, or any of the British dominions; not to prevent Britain or her dependencies from receiving supplies of provisions, raw materials, &c., from us. It does not go to prohibit exportation; but even this should not be done without a very sufficient cause. Two causes are assigned in the preamble to the resolution; first, the impressment of our seamen; second, commercial aggressions. We have not long since expressed a just abhorrence of slavery, by a very unanimous vote of this House; we have expressed a very commendable sympathy for the untutored sons of Africa, of a different color from ourselves, stolen or forced from their families and all that is dear to them; and shall we make no exertions to protect our own citizens from a worse kind of slavery? If the planters of South Carolina, or any other State where slaves are employed, should forcibly take any of our sons from the plough, or other lawful and necessary occupation, and set them to work with other slaves in raising cotton or rice, the outrage would be horrid, indeed, but not equal to the impressment of our citizens. The slave to the planter must labor, but he is not obliged to kill those who have given him no provocation, or to be killed himself, and he may be found and redeemed. Money redeemed our captives from the Barbary coast, and we felt for them, and advanced the price. Mr. F. asked, Was it ever known, in the his- There is, sir, another point of view presented tory of independent nations, that any one nation in the impressment of our seamen which ought impressed the citizens or subjects of another to address our attention. It is admitted that nation into their fleets, to fight against a nation several thousand of our impressed citizens are friendly to that from which they had been im-employed on board the British men-of-war, pressed, and to receive no wages or emoluments unless they would enlist; which few of them ever do, except under the lash of the boatswain, which is applied if they appear reluctant to do the meanest drudgery, and who must of necessity hate the nation for which they fought? No, sir, this cannot be shown. The British Government has long been in the habit of impressing their own subjects for seamen. In France, we fighting against France. These, it is believed, are sufficient to man five ships-of-the-line. If by our silence we connive at this, or by our wilful neglect of such peaceable means as are within our power to prevent it, may not this be charged as a breach of neutrality-may it not be justly called war in disguise? But I forbear. Commercial aggressions, such as capturing our merchant ships laden with cargoes of colo MARCH, 1806.] DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Importations from Great Britain. [H. OF R. Governed by persons of their own imnial produce, purchased in return for the pro- nation, when a proper occasion shall present duce of our own country and the property of itself. our own citizens, and condemning, contrary to mediate choice, they will confidently repose in the laws and usages of nations, as approved and such persons the determination of that question. that practised even by the British courts until Au- Does it follow, that because they have pledged gust last, and openly in her decisions substitut- to us the support of the national energies, if in ing, the instructions of the court in the place of our judgment they are become necessary, the law of nations, contrary to her own former therefore we are called upon to take a course practice, by which, it is acknowledged by the which may render them necessary? It is true opposers of the resolution, the British courts that the apprehensions of the public have been have already condemned at least six millions of excited lest a period had arrived in which it dollars, of the property of our citizens, on new would be necessary to put to risk the national principles, which not being known to the peace. Yes, sir, it is too true that alarm has owners, it was impossible to provide against the been spread through every quarter of the Union. events. Though these aggressions have hitherto But by what means, and from what sources? been principally committed on cargoes of colo- It has been by the incorrect views of the nature nial produce, where only we can find a market and state of the interests at stake, with which for the produce of the Middle and Eastern our public prints have teemed. It has been by States, yet the principles are equally applicable magnifying representations of the injuries really to much of our East India trade, and to the trade sustained on the one part, and on the other, by with France, Spain, and Holland, from which we imposing calculations as to the sacrifices dederive most of the favorable balance of trade, manded to effect redress. These incorrect views which enables us to discharge the unfavorable of the subject are believed to have been the offbalance of trade with Great Britain; and she can spring of mercantile influence. It is from this so apply them without giving notice of her inten-source, by these means, and through these tion at a time when she knows we have the channels, that the public apprehension has been We roused upon this occasion. But it is our duty greatest amount of property on the ocean. cannot admit the plea of necessity, as suggested to unmask the influence which has produced in a well known British pamphlet, and advocat- the evil, and to let the nation know the true ed without reserve by the gentleman from Vir- state of the question now to be decided. To let ginia. To admit this would justify every pos- them understand what the injuries are which sible aggression of the power at war against we are called upon to redress, and the nature neutral nations. We make no war in disguise and extent of the interests which we are called against Britain; we favor her as much as in our upon to sacrifice in effecting it. neutral station and commercial situation we can do. We bear with aggressions from her that would not be offered nor borne with from any other nation. The profits accruing from a favorable commercial balance with other nations is cheerfully thrown into her lap, and if we do not continue to do so it is her own fault. Justice and policy require that she should do so. Britain pretends no cause of complaint against us. We have readily removed such as she ever had. By pleading necessity, the aggression on her part seems to be acknowledged. Let her remove the cause. Mr. EARLY.-Mr. Chairman, it is my intention, Upon this, as upon another recent occasion, But, Mr. Chairman, the impressment of American seamen by British cruisers, is held out as one of the objects of redress in the contemplated measure. This, sir, is a grievance which no man will attempt to deny or palliate. It is an evil calling so imperiously for redress, that almost any sacrifice ought to be made, provided it would answer the purpose. But do gentlemen, can they seriously believe that this resolution will produce the desired effect? Can it be for a moment supposed, that a measure at its operation must press with fourfold weight best weak and inefficient-a measure which in upon ourselves, will produce any serious diversion in our favor, by increasing the number of objects, of which you intend to compel the suris that it would only make bad worse, and that render on the part of your adversary? My fear instead of 1,500 seamen impressed on board British ships of war, we should have as many thousand made captives, and compelled to fight against their own country. The resolution under consideration proposes an insurance upon terms vastly disadvantageous. The premium and the risk are out of all proportion. What, sir, is the premium? The sum of $800,000, the amount of revenue estimated to accrue from the carrying trade. What is the risk? The almost certain sacrifice of the agricultural interest of the nation-the almost certain event of a war, and the consequent risk of the destruction of the constitution and lib H. OF R.] Importations from Great Britain. erties of this nation. For one I cannot underwrite such a policy. I will not pledge my constituents to insure upon such terms. [MARCH, 1806. Mr. ELLIOT.-To replace the present question upon the ground which it originally occupied, to examine it with a view to its real merits, and its merits alone, however hopeless might be the task, would certainly be a very useful one. It has indeed been considered as indicative of a species of madness to attempt to stem a torrent which is known to be irresistible; but it is said that there is sometimes method in madness, and there is always honor in a gallant death in a good cause. It is in vain to conceal the fact that this resolution is devoted to destruction; but its supporters owe something to their own feelings, and they owe much more to their country. It will probably be admitted, Mr. Chairman, on both sides of the House-for it will not be pretended that there are more than two sides upon the present occasion, whatever confusion of parties may sometimes appear to exist upon this floor-that a more interesting crisis of our national concerns than the present, in reference to foreign relations, has not existed since the adoption of the present constitution. stake. But it is not believed by all that our constitution and liberties are involved in any possible issue of this question. Before we even had a constitution, while the elements of our political system were almost without form, and But we are asked, must the carrying trade be surrendered? In return we ask, must the agricultural interest of the country be sacrificed to preserve it? Must we plunge into a war to preserve it? Must we put to risk the constitution and liberties of the nation to preserve it? Mr. Chairman, this nation is at peace. We are happy in the enjoyment of our rights at home. We are prosperous beyond the example of any other people in the world. We enjoy the fruits of our own industry, abundantly supplied with all the comforts of life, and increasing rapidly in wealth by good markets for our produce. The merchants receive a profit upon their trade, coextensive with the highest wishes of rational men, and when confined to fair neutral commerce, pursue their occupations with security. Is this a state of things which should be put to the risk of chance for such a boon as the carrying trade? Is this a state of things which should be jeopardized for the pro-Some of the best interests of our country are at fit of a few merchants in a few mercantile towns? Mr. ELMER.-Mr. Chairman, I will rise to make a few observations on the subject now under consideration, but I will not detain the committee more than a few minutes. The resolution on your table is denounced by gen-void, the liberties of this people were safe in tlemen as a war measure, but I cannot discern their own hands, and triumphant over the its tendency to that point. It is acknowledged power of that nation whose vengeance, it is on all hands that we have received from Great said, we shall provoke by the adoption of this Britain repeated and grievous injuries. The resolution. Our constitution and liberties are whole American people are alarmed, and their safe. The scene is not so awful, but it is imfeelings excited by the reiterated acts of oppressive. I repeat it, sir, we owe much to our pression and insult. A gentleman from Georgia country. The friends of the resolution are prehas told you that our constituents have not dic-pared for the fate that awaits it; but they have tated any measures; it is true, they have not dictated, but they have complained, and they look up to the collected wisdom of Congress to devise a remedy for the evils under which they are laboring. This is the business upon which Two classes of arguments are marshalled in we are in part assembled, and it is the most im- opposition to the motion, one of which is adportant to which our attention will be called; dressed to our hopes, and the other to our fears. we should therefore engage in it with all that To our hopes-of what? Of honorable and seriousness and impartiality which its impor- successful negotiation, if this measure be abantance demands. Every member should divest doned. Great Britain will do us justice if we himself of all national and party prejudice ask it once more. On what is this hope foundwhen he decides on a question in which the in- ed? Let us not go too far back. It was said terest of his country is so deeply concerned. in ancient times to be dangerous, and doubtless And can we, as men and as patriots, tamely it is dangerous still, to rake open the ashes of a submit to have our seamen impressed, and flame not yet extinguished. Do our hopes reforced to fight the battles of a foreign nation, pose upon events of recent date? Upon the and to have our commerce embarrassed, inter-long-continued impressment into her naval serrupted, and perplexed, and the property of our citizens engaged therein condemned and made the property of the unjust captors? I trust not. taken their ground from reflection, and they cannot, they will not abandon it against conviction, until overpowered, as indubitably they will be, in the contest. vice of many of our useful citizens, citizens entitled to the same rights with ourselves, except that they are not delegated to represent the people within these walls? An outrage which no nation but Great Britain practises, and to which no nation but America submits. Upon the constant interpolation of new principles, destructive of our neutral rights, into the veneCom-rable code of the laws of nature and nations, or rather the systematic perversion and prostration, to our serious injury, of some of the most SATURDAY, March 8. Importation of British Goods. The House again resolved itself into a mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union, on Mr. GREGG's resolution. MARCH, 1806.] DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Importations from Great Britain. sacred principles of those laws. We can soon dismiss this branch of the subject. Coolly and deliberately systematic, severe and unbending, has the injurious conduct of Great Britain toward us long been. Unconnected with strong measures on our part we can discern no reasonable ground for hopes so flattering. Prospects so delusive have no charms for the supporters of the resolution. We repose no confidence upon the justice and liberality of Great Britain, further than as those virtues may correspond with her interest. To that we wish to make an appeal. With myself it has long been a settled opinion, that she would go to war with us whenever it should be her interest to do so. We wish for peace, we raise our voices for negotiation, but for negotiation sustained by measures of an energetic and commanding character. Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS.-Mr. Chairman, I feel the necessity of apologizing to the committee for that portion of their time which I shall occupy; not presuming to offer reasons to others why this resolution should not be adopted, I beg their indulgence, while I do that which presents itself at the time as a duty, to declare what are my reasons for voting against it; the deep stake my constituents hold in the measure is my apology. [H. OF R. is recom At Baltimore they believe "redress refuting the British doctrine; but what else do they say? From Philadelphia you are called upon for the past may be found in amicable explanations." for a naval force for the West India station. Why? To defend their trade in St. Domingo, I suppose, for that appears to be the pith of the memorial. The merchants of New York pledge themselves to support "all measures adapted," reserving to themselves the right to judge-not a special mission such measures as may be adopted by Congress. From Boston mended. The inhabitants of the town of Salem tell you "they wish to take no part in the contests which now convulse the world." Where else than from these documents do gentlemen find the spirit of the nation? Certainly not if it were good authority to talk about what we from the Cabinet, nor from the Executive, for hear out of this House, they have no such wishes. Is it fair then to force the passage of this resolution by attributing that to the nation which perhaps it does not feel; which it certainly would not, if it were fully apprised of its situation abroad, and which the memorials on your table do not speak? Does the resolution provide for "amicable explanations," for a "special mission," for a squadron on the West India station? No such thing, sir. In arguing this subject it is material to ascerSuch is the magnitude of the subject under discussion, spreading itself over a prodigious tain what is the true cause of our present disextent, running to the heart of some of our most pute with Great Britain, and to what extent it valuable institutions, subverting unmeasurably goes. I say cause of dispute, because it strikes the plighted faith of the Government, and over- me that, had not the present difficulty arisen, turning the foundations of a considerable por- her insults offered in the impressment of our tion of our revenue, that I feel myself inade-seamen, were in train for amicable adjustment, quate to trace its influence over even a ramification of that vast interest it lays hold of, much less do I pretend to a view of the whole ground; but, imperfect as that comprehension is, it takes in much more than sufficient to fill me with fear and trembling for its consequences. and will be arranged when the present uneasi- It is taken for granted that the present aggraWe have heard, during the last three days of the present discussion, a great deal said about vations originated in her attempts to cramp, say the spirit of the nation, and that it demands destroy, if gentlemen like it better, our carrying energetic measures. Sir, I ask the gentlemen trade. This is the grand pivot on which the who urge this as an argument, if there had been whole machinery of national honor, and dignity, as much pains taken to apprise the nation of its and wrongs, and insults, is made to turn. which true position with Great Britain as there has Yes, sir, this carrying trade which Spain and been to alarm it, whether its anxiety would not Portugal once shared, but could not retain; have been, at least by this time, quieted? If which Holland attempted to monopolize; gentlemen, standing in such a responsible situa- Van Tromp and De Ruyter fought for, but tion to their constituents, as they do upon this which she was obliged to relinquish; this carfloor, had, instead of urging war measures, rying trade is the bone of contention for which spoke out the plain language of truth, that at the sweat, the blood, the lives and fortunes of the date of Mr. Monroe's last despatches, Lord the American people are to be lavished in mainMulgrave had acceded to his request to entertaining. And what is this carrying trade? Is upon an examination of the dispute between it any thing different from a partial right, which the two Governments, whether they would now but a very small part of the community can enventure to represent the spirit of the nation as joy, which but a small portion of that part do excited in every part of the continent? I pre- improve? Is it not a right which is still probBut whence do they learn that this lematical-whether the exercise is of real naspirit is so excited? It is true we have receiv- tional utility? There are many who believe it ed spirited resolutions from two towns in Vir- has been of no solid advantage to Great Britain ginia, and a few well-written memorials from a herself, notwithstanding she has possessed a few merchants at a few of the seaport towns much greater share of it than any other nation. sume not. |