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was resuming its old form. The Whigs, to whom, as the accredited leaders of liberal thought, the guidance of the great movement had been intrusted, were reaping the bitter fruit of the exaggerated hopes that they had raised but could not fulfil. Unable to free themselves from their traditions as a great constitutional party, their halfmeasures satisfied neither the ardent desires of the people nor the conservative feelings of the propertied classes, to which they really belonged; and the result was a practical annihilation of government, both in its legislative and administrative functions. Such strength as the Government possessed was due to its alliance with the Radicals and the Irish. At the head of the Irish members was Daniel O'Connell, and so many of them were either personally connected with their chief, or owed their seats so entirely to his influence, that they were commonly spoken of by the opprobrious title of “O'Connell's Tail." But the Government, as far at least as its head, Lord Melbourne, and its more important members were concerned, was far from being Radical. Even Lord John Russell was less advanced in his views than many people supposed. It had been proved by Peel's short Ministry, in 1835, that this very moderate Government was at the time the only possible one. But to keep its place it had to pick its way cautiously between its own wishes and the more extreme objects advocated by its half hostile supporters, the Radicals and the Irish.

Such a Government is of necessity weak. Though it can command The consequent a majority on vital points, it is constantly compelled to

weakness

of the Government.

modify its measures, and it even runs the risk of losing them if it offends either of the sections on which its power practically depends. In its personnel there was still further cause of weakness. The Premier and several of the more important ministers were in the Upper House. Nor could Lord John Russell and his colleagues in the Lower House pretend to rival in power of debate or parliamentary management the predominant personality of Sir Robert Peel, supported as it now was by the ability of Stanley and Graham, the late deserters from the Liberal camp. But Peel's predominance affected his supporters as well as his opponents. Understanding the impossibility of undoing the work of the Reform Bill, he had placed himself in a new position. Though opposed to Radical and hasty reform, he accepted not only the constitutional changes already made, but even the position that within the limits of the Constitution wise and measured progress was desirable. The skill with which he had maintained his ground during his short tenure

1836]

POSITION OF PARTIES

3

of power in 1835 had obliged even the unwavering Tories of the old school to accept him as their indispensable leader. Kicking somewhat against the pricks, they as yet submissively followed him. He thus commanded a minority consisting of men of both extreme and moderate Tory principles, sufficiently strong to oblige the Government to be very careful in making any concessions to its Radical supporters. As far as the House of Commons therefore was concerned, the vigour of the Government was curtailed on both sides. Any step of too liberal a character was prevented by the minority, which, from its liberal propensities, might easily draw to itself moderate men of all parties, and become a majority; any measure not sufficiently pronounced in Liberalism might induce the Radicals to withdraw their support, and the ministerial majority might be thus destroyed. But the real efficiency of the Ministry was still more completely nullified by the

The Opposition in a majority in the Lords.

In

balance which existed between the two Houses of Parliament. the Upper House the Opposition commanded a certain majority, so strong in numbers that it was impossible to get rid of it by the only method the Government had at its disposal,-the creation of Peers. It was only on the good sense of the Lords, and their probable dread of breaking entirely with the Commons, that any hope of passing ministerial measures could be based.

awaiting

Yet the circumstances of the country were not such as to make a deadlock of this sort at all desirable. Many questions Many great of supreme importance were pressing for settlement. questions Affairs in Spain were in a most critical condition, it settlement. seemed as though the policy of Lord Palmerston, and the support he had given to the Queen's faction there, was likely to result in failure. Ireland, the unceasing difficulty of English politics, was in an excited condition. The position of the English Church was seriously assaulted by the Dissenters. Canada was on the verge of rebellion. And a financial crisis was shaking the credit of the kingdom. The Ministry seemed on the point of sinking under its accumulated difficulties. Of three great Bills for the amelioration of Ireland, the Municipal Corporation Bill, the Tithe Bill, and the Poor Law Bill, not one had passed the two Houses. On a Bill for changing the character of Church rates the Government had been defeated. There seemed no possibility of the Ministry extricating itself from its impotent position except by a dissolution, which might possibly give it such an overwhelming majority in the Lower House as to counteract the obstruction in the Lords. But there was no ground for dis

solution; there was already a majority for Government in the Commons; the King was entirely opposed to such an idea, and rejoiced at the difficulties of his ministers, and, as was well known, would at once have snatched at an offer of resignation on their part.

Opportune

King.

The

The death of the King (June 20, 1837), and the accession of the young Queen Victoria, rendering a new Parliament necesdeath of the sary, came to the assistance of the harassed Whigs. elections restored them to power, the friendship of the Queen removed one source of their weakness, and they were able to struggle on for some years longer. The accession of Victoria thus forms no epoch in our history. The hands of the Ministry were strengthened by the removal of the hostility of the Crown, but, with this exception, no important change took place; the government was continued in the same hands, upon the same lines, and with the same party difficulties as during the reign of her predecessor. The young Queen had been brought up in considerable retirement by her mother, the Duchess of Kent, between whom and the late King there had been some estrangement. young as she was, she at once displayed a propriety and dignity of conduct which won all hearts, and appeared to be of the happiest augury. It was plain that she would want little more than friendly guidance; and that guidance Lord Melbourne was well fitted to give her. He surrounded her with constant and watchful care, which there is every reason to believe was wholly disinterested, and there sprang up between him and the new sovereign a mutual respect and affection which never wavered. At the same time the political lessons of a Whig minister could not fail to have their influence, and to conduce largely to the constitutional character which has marked the reign.

Accession of
Victoria.

June 20, 1837.

Work of the

Session completed.

But

As a change of sovereigns rendered the dissolution of Parliament within six months necessary, it was thought desirable to postpone for future consideration all the great measures before the House on which difference of opinion existed, and to proceed with those only which seemed at once important and open to little discussion. Of these the only one which requires mention was an Act for ameliorating the criminal law In 1833 a Royal Commission had been issued to inquire into the expediency of reducing the criminal law into one digest; and in 1836 the same commissioners had made a second report on the subject of the employment of counsel by prisoners, and on the punishment of death. Their recommendations had produced in the preceding session a Bill allowing

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1837]

ACCESSION OF VICTORIA

5

counsel to prisoners, and now formed the basis of a second Bill abolishing capital punishment, except for the following offenceshigh treason, murder, attempt to murder, rape, arson, piracy, burglary, and robbery, if attended by circumstances tending to endanger life. The feeling of the country was so decidedly in favour of this change that the Bill passed without any serious opposition. Having completed its necessary work the Parliament was dissolved, and the fate of the Ministry placed in the hands of the constituencies. Dissolution Fortified with the favour of the Queen-of which they and Elections. made, perhaps, too ostentatious a show-the Ministers were successful in securing a fair majority in the new Parliament. But the result of the elections gave no proof of the growth of Liberal feeling in the country. Such increase of strength as the Government acquired arose rather from the decrease of the Radical element in the new House than from any diminution in the number of their open opponents.

First Session of

Nov. 1837.

The new Parliament met on the 20th of November for a short autumn session. The Queen, in her opening speech, was made to speak with gratification of external peace and Parliament. domestic tranquillity, and to point out as the main subjects for consideration the affairs of Spain and the condition of Canada and of Ireland, suggesting the reintroduction in some form or other of the three Irish Bills that had been dropped. English Church rates and the Bill against pluralities disappeared in the programme, making it evident that the ministers felt the necessity of keeping some terms at least with the Conservative opposition. The brief autumn session was occupied chiefly with the settlement of the Settlement of Civil List. Lord Melbourne took a liberal view of the the Civil List. question; there was no parsimonious curtailment of the sum allowed to the Crown, and, after being referred to a Select Committee, the income of the Queen was fixed at £470,000, very much the same as the amount paid to the late king. The Parliament was then adjourned till the following February.

The meeting of Parliament after this adjournment was, however, hastened by the state of affairs in Canada. It re-assembled on the 16th of January, and its attention was at once occupied with Colonial affairs, which from time to time, for several years, formed the battleground for party strife. The difficulty in Canada had The Canadian been of long standing, but at this moment it had ripened into an armed rebellion. The colony was not originally an English settlement, but had been ceded with its people to England at the close of the great war in 1763, and the questions arising were somewhat

difficulty.

analogous to those which have made Ireland a constant source of trouble. But although there had been much carelessness and maladministration, England could not in this case accuse itself of intentional repression or of disregarding the wishes of the people; for as early as 1774 (by the Quebec Act), on the representation of the French inhabitants, the old Canadian law, known as the Custom of Paris, was re-established in all civil cases, and the free exercise of the Roman Catholic religion guaranteed. But Canada had not been conquered for the benefit of the French colonists alone; its chief value lay in the outlet it afforded to the superabundant population and energy of England. It was not possible that the uneducated, sedentary, and contented inhabitants of French origin should amalgamate well with the eager and enterprising English emigrant. Their characters were absolutely opposed, and the education which they had received through their system of law and government exaggerated the difference. Division of property in the place of primogeniture, the despotic rule of the French Governor-General and Intendant, and of a Church chiefly in the hands of the Jesuits, had created among the French population a character which formed the sharpest contrast, not only to that of the Englishman accustomed to see self-government at home, and to look for a still further development of it in his colonial settlement, but also wholly inconsistent with the development of a country where vast tracts of uncultivated land seemed to call for unlimited individual energy. Consequently the stream of immigration had swept beyond the French settlements, and spread itself over the unoccupied country more to the westward.

1791.

Under these circumstances, and with the best intentions, Mr. Pitt's remedy. Pitt had introduced, in 1791, the Quebec Government Bill. It proposed to separate the English from the French settlers, and to establish two provinces, known as Upper and Lower Canada. The error of the proceeding was strongly pointed out by Fox. With a far truer insight than his rival into the real object to be aimed at, he urged that "the most desirable circumstance was that the French and English inhabitants of Canada should unite and coalesce as it were into one body, and that the different distinctions of the people should be extinguished for ever." His representations were in vain, the division was carried out; the races were thrown into inevitable antagonism, rendered the more marked by the unfortunate geographical position of the Upper Province, cut off from access to the sea by the unimproving community which occupied the Lower St. Lawrence. But the Bill went

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