may be wisdom enough assembled to make, if possible, a peace that shall be perpetual, and that the idea of any nations being natural enemies to each other may be abolished for the honor of human nature.

With regard to those who may be commissioned from your government, whatever personal preferences I may conceive in my own mind, it cannot become. me to express them. I only wish for wise and honest men. With such, a peace may be speedily concluded. With contentious wranglers the negotiation may be drawn into length, and finally frustrated.

I am pleased to see in the votes and parliamentary speeches, and in your public papers, that in mentioning America the word reconciliation is often used. It certainly means more than a mere peace. It is a sweet expression. Revolve in your mind, my dear friend, the means of bringing about this reconciliation. When you consider the injustice of war with us, and the barbarous manner in which it has been carried on, the many suffering families among us from your burning of towns, scalping by savages, &c. &c. will it not appear to you, that though a cessation of the war may be a peace, it may not be a reconciliation? Will not some voluntary acts of justice and even of kindness on your part have excellent effects towards producing such a reconciliation? Can Can you not find means of repairing in some degree those injuries? You have in England and Ireland twelve hundred of our people prisoners, who have for years bravely suffered all the hardships of that confinement rather than enter into your service to fight against their country. Methinks you ought to glory in descendants of such virtue. What if you were to begin your

measures of reconciliation by setting them at liberty? I know it would procure for you the liberty of an equal number of your people, even without a previous stipulation; and the confidence in our equity, with the apparent good-will in the action, would give very good impressions of your change of disposition towards us. Perhaps you have no knowledge of the opinions lately conceived of your king and country in America: the enclosed copy of a letter will make you a little acquainted with them, and convince you how impossible must be every project of bringing us again under the dominion of such a sovereign. With great esteem, I am, dear sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

TO THE HON. R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ.

Passy, April 8, 1782.

Since my last an extraordinary revolution has taken place in the court of England. All the old ministers are out, and the chiefs of the opposition are in their places. The newspapers that I send will give you the names as correctly as we yet know them. Our last advices mention their kissing hands; but they had yet done nothing in their respective offices, by which one might judge of their projected measures; as whether they will ask a peace of which they have great need, the nation having of late suffered many losses, men grown extremely scarce, and Lord North's new taxes, proposed as funds for the loan, meeting with great opposition; or whether they will strive to find new resources, and obtain allies to enable them to please the king and nation by some vigorous exertions against France, Spain, and Hol

land. With regard to America, having while in opposition carried the vote for making no longer an offensive war with us, they seem to have tied their own hands from acting against us. Their prede

cessors had been tampering with this court for a separate peace. The king's answer gave me, and will give you, great pleasure. It will be sent to M. de la Luzerne, and by him be communicated to congress. None of their attempts to divide us met with the least encouragement; and I imagine the present set will try other measures.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

TO THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. Passy, April 12, 1782. Being at court on Tuesday, I learnt from the Dutch minister that the new English ministry have offered, through the minister of Russia, a cessation of arms to Holland, and a renewal of the treaty of 1674. M. de Berkenroode seemed to be of opinion that the offer was intended to gain time, to obstruct the concert of operations with France for the ensuing campaign, and to prevent the conclusion of a treaty with America: it is apprehended that it may have some effect in strengthening the hands of the English party in that country, and retard affairs a little, but it is hoped that the proposal will not be finally agreed to. It would indeed render the Dutch ridiculous. A. having a cane in his hand meets his neighbor B. who happens to have none, takes the advantage, and gives him a sound drubbing: B. having found a stick, and coming to return the blows he received, A. says, 'My old friend, why should we quarrel? We are

neighbors, let us be good ones, and live peaceably by each other as we used to do.' If B. is so easily satisfied, and lays aside his stick, the rest of the neighbors as well as A. will laugh at him. This is the light in which I stated it. Enclosed I send you a copy of the proposition.

I see by the newspapers that the Spaniards having taken a little post called St. Joseph, pretend to have made a conquest of the Illinois country. In what light does this proceeding appear to congress? While they decline our offered friendship, are they to be suffered to encroach on our bounds, and shut us up within the Apalachian mountains? I begin to fear they have some such project.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

SIR,

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE HON. HENRY LAURENS, ESQ.

Passy, April 12, 1782.

Your enlargement gave me great pleasure; and I hope that the terms exacted by the late ministry will now be relaxed; especially when they are informed that you are one of the commissioners appointed to treat of peace. Herewith I send you a copy of the commission,* the purport of which you can communicate to the ministers, if you find it proper. If they are disposed to make peace with us and our allies at the same time, I will on notice from you send to Mr. Jay, to prepare for meeting at such time and place as shall be agreed on. As to our treating separately and quitting our present alliance,

* Addressed to Messrs. Adams, Franklin, Jay, Laurens, and Jefferson, as commissioners for negotiating the peace.

VOL. II.

G

which the late ministry seemed to desire, it is impossible. Our treaties, and our instructions, as well as the honor and interest of our country, forbid it. I will communicate those instructions to you as soon as I have the pleasure of seeing you. If you have occasion for money, please to acquaint me with the sum you desire, and I will endeavor to supply you. With very great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

COMMUNICATION

FROM THE COURT OF FRANCE TO

DR. FRANKLIN, ON THE OVERTURES FOR A SEPARATE TREATY.

A Versailles, le 12 Avril, 1782.

J'ai mis sous les yeux de M. le Comte de Vergennes, Monsieur, les différentes lettres que M. Hartley vous a écrites, ainsi que votre projet de réponse; ce ministre a donné une entière approbation à la manière dont vous vous exprimez. Je joins ici un post-scriptum concernant M. Forth. M. le Comte de Vergennes, qui en a pris lecture, trouve que vous pouvez sans inconvénient le transmettre à votre correspondant.

J'ai l'honneur d'être avec un très sincère attachement, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur, DE RAYNEVAL.

(signé)

P. S. Depuis ma lettre écrite, Monsieur, j'ai pesé de nouveau les différentes ouvertures qu'elle renferme. Selon vous l'ancien ministère Anglois désiroit sincèrement une réconciliation avec nous, et il nous proposoit dans cette vue une paix séparée. Tandis que vous me transmettiez ce vœu du Lord North, cet ex-ministre avoit ici un émissaire chargé de sonder