cure our credit by a punctual discharge of our obligations of every kind, and our reputation by the wisdom of our councils; since we know not how soon we may have fresh occasion for friends, for credit, and for reputation.

The extravagant misrepresentations of our political state in foreign countries made it appear necessary to give them better information, which I thought could not be more effectually and authentically done than by publishing a translation into French, now the most general language in Europe, of the book of constitutions, which had been printed by order of Congress. This I accordingly got well done, and presented two copies handsomely bound to every foreign minister here, one for himself, the other, more elegant, for his sovereign. It has been well taken, and has afforded a matter of surprise to many who had conceived mean ideas of the state of civilisation in America, and could not have expected so much political knowledge and sagacity had existed in our wilderness and from all parts I have the satisfaction to hear that our constitutions in general are much admired. I am persuaded that this step will not only tend to promote the emigration to our country of substantial people from all parts of Europe; but the numerous copies I shall disperse will facilitate our future treaties with foreign courts, who could not before know what kind of government and people they had to treat with: as in doing this, I have endeavored to further the apparent views of Congress in the first publication, I hope it may be approved, and the expense allowed. I send herewith one of the copies. Yours, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, Feb. 23, 1784.

I have met with a report from America, that Congress has come to some resolution respecting the commerce with Great Britain, which is to depend conditionally upon the proceedings of the British parliament by the 1st of February, 1784. As they have known that the act of the last session of parliament was to terminate on the 20th of December, 1783, it was reasonable to conclude that some proceedings would have taken place in parliament before the 1st of February, 1784. This doubtless was the intention of the last session, by the limit given to the bill. However, in consequence of the late changes, all these considerations have been postponed, by the prolongation of the late bill until the 20th of April. If therefore it has been the design of congress to wait for some act of the British parliament respecting American commerce, I hope they will remain in the same sentiments, notwithstanding the delay which has happened from the change of the ministry, that all things may remain open between the parties for mutually beneficial and amicable intercourse. I will send you the earliest notice of any steps which may be taken here. I expect daily to hear of the ratifications of the peace from you. Pray remember me kindly to Mr. Jay and family, to Mr. W. T. Franklin, and to Messrs. Adams and son, if at Paris. I am ever your most affectionate friend,

D. HARTLEY.

TO B. VAUGHAN,

ESQ.

Passy, March 1784.

DEAR SIR,
You mention that I may now see verified all you

said about binding down England to so hard a peace. I suppose you do not mean by the American treaty; for we were exceedingly favorable in not insisting on the reparations so justly due for the wanton burnings of our fine towns and devastations of our plantations in a war now universally allowed to have been originally unjust. I may add that you will also see verified all I said about the article respecting the royalists, that it will occasion more mischief than it was intended to remedy, and that it would have been better to have omitted all mention of them. England might have rewarded them according to their merits at no very great expense. After the harms they had done to us, it was imprudent to insist on our doing them good.

I am sorry for the overturn you mention of those beneficial systems of commerce that would have been exemplary to mankind. The making England entirely a free port would have been the wisest step ever taken for its advantage.

I wish much to see what you say a respectable friend of mine has undertaken to write respecting the peace. It is a pity it has been delayed. If it had appeared earlier, it might have prevented much mischief, by securing our friends in their situations; for we know not who will succeed them, nor what credit they will hold.

By my doubts of the propriety of my going soon to London, I meant no reflection on my friends or yours. If I had any call there besides the pleasure of seeing those whom I love, I should have no doubts. If I live to arrive there, I shall certainly embrace your kind invitation, and take up my abode with you. Make my compliments and respects acceptable to Mrs. Vaughan.

say

I know not what foundation there can be for ing that I abuse England as much as before the peace. I am not apt, I think, to be abusive: of the two, I had rather be abused.

I wish to hear from you more frequently, and to have through you such new pamphlets as you may think worth my reading. I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ.

MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Jan. 7, 1784. I have this moment received your favor of the 25th past, acquainting me with the change in administration. I am not sure that in reforming the constitution, which is sometimes talked of, it would not be better to make your great officers of state hereditary than to suffer the inconvenience of such frequent and total changes. Much faction and cabal would be prevented by having an hereditary first lord of the treasury, an hereditary lord chancellor, privy seal, president of council, secretary of state, first lord of the admiralty, &c. &c. It will not be said that the duties of these offices being important, we cannot trust to nature for the chance of requisite talents, since we have an hereditary set of judges in the last resort, the house of peers; an hereditary king; and in a certain German university, an hereditary professor of mathematics.

We have not yet heard of the arrival of our express in America, who carried the definitive treaty. He sailed the 26th of September. As soon as the ratification arrives, I shall immediately send you word of it.

With great esteem I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

TO CHARLES THOMSON, ESQ. SECRETARY OF

DEAR SIR,

CONGRESS.

Passy, May 13, 1784.

Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and myself, when the ratifications of the definitive treaty were exchanged. I send a copy of the English ratification to the president. Thus the great and hazardous enterprise we have been engaged in, is, God be praised, happily completed; an event I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years. of peace, well improved, will restore and increase our strength but our future safety will depend on our union and our virtue. Britain will be long watching for advantages, to recover what she has lost. If we do not convince the world that we are a nation to be depended on for fidelity in treaties; if we appear negligent in paying our debts, and ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us; our reputation, and all the strength it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and fresh attacks upon us will be encouraged and promoted by better prospects of success. Let us therefore beware of being lulled into a dangerous security, and of being both enervated and impoverished by luxury of being weakened by internal contentions and divisions; of being shamefully extravagant in contracting private debts, while we are backward in discharging honorably those of the public; of neglect in military exercises and discipline, and in providing stores of arms and munition of war, to be ready on occasion: for all these are circumstances that give confidence to enemies, and diffidence to friends; and the expenses required to prevent a war, are much lighter than