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out their property in various ways for the improvement of the land, were robbed and deprived of the advantages to which they were entitled, which advantages were given to persons who were not entitled to them. By that change in the currency, the Clergy (whose emoluments were settled by no fewer than five Tithe Composition Acts) were in many cases in Ireland receiving a fifth where they ought only to receive a

the distress of the people. Then it was said that the currency was fixed and settled, and could not be altered. He utterly denied that the currency was settled. In fact, it was anything but settled. There was one kind of currency in England, another kind in Scotland, and a third kind in Ireland. There was one banking system in England, another in Scotland, and a third in Ireland. With these three variations, to tell the people that the cur-tenth. The difficulties of what was called rency was fixed and settled, was to tell equitable adjustment had, he thought, them that at which they would laugh. It been exaggerated; at least, he denied that might be right that the currency should in Ireland the complication which was said be fixed; but in order to fix it they ought to be a good reason for not attempting it to go into an inquiry to ascertain which of was as great as had been supposed. He the three systems was the best. Let him was thoroughly convinced that much not be accused of a disposition to run into misery had been occasioned in Ireland by a wilderness of worthless rags: he wished the change which had already taken place; for no such thing; but he called on the and it was surely desirable to inquire wheHouse to deliberate on the present state ther that misery might not be alleviated by of the currency. Some hon. Gentlemen another change. Let the first instruction had talked of the spoliation which would to the Committee be, to report upon the ensue, if, after eleven years, an alteration Banking-system. The right hon. Secretary were made in all the bargains concluded had gone back to 1793, to show that in that time, by introducing a change in distress was not caused by his bill, but at the circulating medium. The reasoning of that time and at other periods of distress, these hon. Gentlemen was good, but their the people had been relieved by an issue premises were false. With equal justice of Exchequer Bills. Why then was that might it be asserted by other hon. Gentle- not done at present, or an inquiry inmen, with reference to England and Scot- stituted to prove that it was not necessary. land, as he asserted with reference to The country was told, indeed, that the Ireland, that the change of a paper cur- recent law on the currency would be useful rency into a gold currency had violated all to future generations, though it inflicted the contracts which had been made since present evils; but, for his part, he must 1797, as all those contracts had been confess that he disliked these experiments made in a paper currency. For want of upon human nature. What was this but some accurate solution of the important the Jacobinical arguments used in the problems of the currency, many classes French Revolution-what signified 20,000 had already been deprived of their pro- heads, or making 20,000 widows and orperty-and in particular one class in Ire-phans, if the sacrifice had the prospect of land, in behalf of which he desired to say a few words. Since he had been in that House, he had several times heard the middle-men in Ireland traduced. He was quite prepared, however, to stand up in their defence. They mitigated the evils of absenteeism; they gave employment to the labouring poor. In the year 1798 they formed the yeomanry cavalry of Ireland, and prevented the Revolution of France from spreading to that country. If it had so spread, what, he would ask, would now have been the value of the English funds and of English property? What was the Sir H. Vivian said, that he had been consequence to those individuals of the completely misunderstood by the hon. change which had taken place in the cur- Member for Clare. He never uttered a rency?--That they, the most industrious word about low wages; and of course members of the community, who had laid | never argued in favour of them. What

making a millenium for the next genera tion? All he argued for was inquiry, and no changes that were not the result of mature deliberation. The people were not to be told that the legislature had nothing to give them but speeches for three or four nights, the objects of which were to delude them. He entreated the House not to grope about like children in the dark, but to seize the torch of truth, and light it with the flame of patriotism, and he had no doubt that its blaze would direct attention to something advantageous to the country.

he said was, that in consequence of low | believed that not only in the centre of
800
prices our manufacturers would be better business, Dublin, but that in north and
able to compete with foreigners, and the
people would have a better chance of
getting employment. With respect to
what the hon. Member had said about
the army, he was sure that they would
always be ready to make sacrifices, in
common with the rest of his Majesty's
subjects.

Mr. O'Connell admitted that the gallant officer spoke only of "low prices;" but the necessary consequence of low prices, he thought, was low wages.

east, in west and south, according to what he had heard, the commercial interests of Ireland were advancing towards prosperity. The noble Lord proceeded to illustrate the progress which the commerce of Ireland had made within the last few years, by a reference to the increased commerhad created between that country and cial intercourse which the power of steam England. It was his fortune to pay a visit to Ireland for the first time in 1820, an interest in the welfare of that country and from that time forward he had felt

Lord F. L. Gower said, that he would confine the few observations he had to which was then manifested, perhaps, make almost exclusively to Ireland, with with an idle and boyish zeal-but which a view to reply to the statements of the it had since become his duty to entertain hon. Member for Clare. When that hon. as Member found that the usual supporters which, he would venture to say, would a salaried officer of the Crown, and of the side of the House on which he sat never be extinguished in his breast, even were shrinking from so general an investi- if it should please the Crown to discontigation as was proposed by this Motion, nue his salary. He well remembered that and when he found that there was a but very few steam-vessels then sailed disposition not to make the state of between England and Ireland. GovernEngland a subject of inquiry; he dexter- ment, which was always more slow to ously shifted his ground, and made the adopt improvements than individuals, had vast distress which prevailed in Ireland the not then engaged steam boats to carry the reason for demanding inquiry. severe distress prevailed in many towns the vessel in which he was embarked, That mail, and the consequence was, that while in that country he admitted; but the moved like a thing instinct with life, the House must recollect, that a committee Government packet, it being a calm, lay was sitting up stairs, of which the hon. like a dying whale on the deep, flapping and learned Gentleman was a Mem- the air with its sails, but moving not. ber, to devise the means of alleviating There were now thirty-five steam-vessels that distress. The whole question engaged in the trade of Dublin alonetherefore, as respected Ireland, was vir- seventeen of these were employed in the tually and practically disposed of. If trade between Dublin and Liverpool-the the hon. Member for Clare meant to total tonnage of which amounted to 512 assert that the distress which now existed tons, and which brought into action in Ireland was greater than that which 2,960-horse power. There was a curious prevailed at any former period of the fact in reference to this subject, which he history of that country, he (Lord Gower), would mention, and to which he inwith every respect for that hon. Member, vited the attention of the gallant Member would beg leave to deny that assertion. for Liverpool. From the year 1824 to He did not understand that there was the year 1830, the number of voyages such an outcry in Ireland now, as to the performed by these vessels between Dubnon-payment of rents, which was heard lin and Liverpool amounted, according to throughout this country, and that circum- a return which he held in his hand, to stance he took to be a proof that the agri- 2,017, the number of cabin passengers cultural interests in Ireland were not suf- from England to Ireland during that fering as severely now as in former times. period was 12,771, and the number of In fact, he believed that at no former cabin passengers from Dublin to England period were the rents of Irish landlords 14,388, leaving a balance of 1617 more more punctually paid, or more likely to be of cabin passengers coming from Ireland so, than at present, and he would ask than proceeding thereto. Now with rewhether that was evidence of the existence gard to the deck passengers-those whom of agricultural distress in Ireland? With the gallant Member for Liverpool looked regard to the commerce of Ireland, hel upon as paupers--he had a curious fact to

mention. The number of deck passengers | inquiry, but he preferred the Amendment that left Liverpool for Ireland during that of the hon. Baronet for a Select Commitperiod was 37,970, and the number from tee, to the original Motion for a Committee Ireland to Liverpool was 16,625, leaving of the whole House. He considered an a balance of passengers for Ireland to the inquiry into the distressed state of the amount of 21,345. He left the gallant country absolutely necessary. But that Member for Liverpool to draw his own distress he believed to be general throughconclusion from that fact. With regard out the country. He did not know to the extraordinary facilities which steam upon what principle support could be navigation had afforded for the transport given to the Government from that side of cattle and other produce from Ireland, of the House upon this Question. Was he should mention a fact stated in a it on account of the existence of a Liverpool paper, as to the transport of confidence in the Government? He had cattle from the west of Ireland-from not heard any hon. Gentleman near him Ballinasloe to Liverpool. In a Liverpool express a confidence in Government for paper of the 1st of March, it was stated, what had been done, but what left regret that twenty-nine head of cattle, which that more had not been accomplished. had been shipped on board a steamer in If the Motion were carried it would conShannon Harbour on the 24th of February, vey, it was said, a direct censure upon his were landed at the Brunswick Dock, Liver- Majesty's Ministers; and as they seemed pool, on the day before, and from the time to discourage the statements of distress they were shipped on board, in Shannon from either side of the House, he must Harbour, till they reached Liverpool, not confess that, in his opinion, they did not one of these cattle had touched ground. believe that the distress existed to the exHere was a decisive proof of the increased tent that had been stated. When it was improvement not only in the external, but said that they ought to have confidence. in the internal commerce of Ireland. in the Ministers he was surprised that Those who argued so strenuously for the no one on that (the Opposition) side of distress of Ireland ought to take into the acthe House had risen to say, that everycount these indications of increasing pros- thing that could be done by them for the perity. He would leave Ireland to exert relief of the people had been done. her own energies, and suffer the great was because he did not feel this to be the measure recently passed to work its ef- case, and that he wanted confidence in fects, for Catholic Emancipation he main- the Administration, that he should vote for tained to be the moral panacea of that the Select Committee. He regretted that country. One of the first results of that the best argument against turning the measure he anticipated would be an in- present Ministry out was, that they did flux of British capital into Ireland, and not know where they could get a better; he had not been disappointed. In 1824, but the question was not whether this when the hopes of Catholic Emancipation Administration was better than the last, had been raised to the highest pitch, there but whether it was one suited to the had been a considerable inclination in spirit of the times? and for his own part, British capitalists to invest their capital in he thought that the present Government Irish securities. In May 1825, Lord had not abilities for times like the present. Liverpool's speech had dashed the hopes A very good reason for not placing conof the Catholics to the ground, and imme-fidence in the Ministers was, because they diately afterwards he had found British Companies absolutely refusing to advance any money upon Irish securities. present advances were making to the full extent that they had been made in 1824. If the inquiry were to be refused in reference to England, he had stated these facts to show that there were no grounds for instituting such an inquiry in regard to

Ireland.

At

Mr. Beaumont said, that he differed entirely from the noble Lord who had just addressed the House as to the utility of an VOL. XXIII.

It

said that they could not see the present distress. To him it was evident that there was something wrong in the machinery of Government, or Ministers would feel it to be their duty to face a case which was confirmed to them on every side. Parliament might go on siding with the views of Government, but the end of it must be, that the people would come to the concltsion-not that the distress was beyond the control of Parliament - but that Parliament was within the control of Government. The remedy for the distress

2 D

was quite within the reach of the legisla- | met with so much insult abroad. For his ture. Taxation was the great grievance, own part, he so far wished that this was and that was within legislative control. He should therefore vote for inquiry. The remedy consisted simply in a great reduction of the taxation which pressed so heavily at present upon the country. He would have the taxation and the expenditure of the country reduced to the lowest possible scale consistent with the due maintenance of the service of the country, and if that did not relieve the distress, he should then tell the fundholder that he should share with us in the diminution of his revenues. The people were losing confidence in the Government; a revolutionary spirit was becoming general at home, while abroad the country was sinking into disgrace and discredit, which made him think that the House ought to enter into the proposed investigation.

the case as to drive back to this country the hundreds and thousands who were spending abroad those incomes which they drew from this country, and only for the purpose of making themselves ridiculous by apeing those manners which they could not imitate. He therefore wished that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would add a million to his Budget by laying a tax on this property. The hon. Member opposite had every right to withdraw his confidence from the Government if he thought fit, but he had no right to say that the Government did not possess the confidence of the country. The fact was quite the reverse. He thought, also, that attributing a revolutionary spirit to the people was not only not, true, but that it was unjust towards Englishmen to attribute such a feeling to them. As he believed that the distress was not universal, as had been represented, so he was of opinion that what there was of distress would soon be got over, and the country would become as flourishing as ever.

Mr. Beaumont explained that he had not said that the Government had lost, but that it was losing the confidence of the country.

Mr. W. Peel said, that he did not deny, and the Government did not deny, that distress existed in the country; but he was of opinion that no good whatever would result from the proposed inquiry. He could not help thinking that a great deal of time had been already wasted in the course of the debate as to the question of the degree of the distress. If a ship were in distress, it would be very odd for the Sir Thomas Gooch was fully impressed sailors, instead of taking steps for its pre- with the conviction that great distress ex-1 servation, to set about calculating what was isted in the country, but he thought this the quantum of danger by which they were Motion for inquiry, if successful, would be surrounded. As it appeared to him, these productive of no practical good. The were not points on which it was for the Chancellor of the Exchequer had already Government to contend. They were rather done much, but he hoped Ministers would to come down to the House, and propose redeem the pledge which they had given such remedies as seemed to them most by doing much more hereafter in the way effectual. The Government had already of remission of taxation. He thought it shown every disposition to do all in their absolutely necessary that a very great power to relieve the distress by the re-reduction should be made in the taxation mission of taxation, and they should be allowed to proceed in the good work of reduction and retrenchment. There were some Gentlemen who appeared willing to attribute the present state of the country to the measure of 1819, but he could not agree with them. The hon. Member for Callington had said, that a sovereign now would go as far as two then; but if the hon. Gentleman contrived thus with his sovereigns, he certainly could do much more than other people. It was said by an hon. Member, that England had never been so degraded in the eyes of Europe as during the administration of the Duke of Wellington, and that Englishmen never

which pressed upon the productive classes of the country, who were now principally suffering under the prevailing distress. He should vote against the proposed committee, because he saw no good likely to follow from it. The subjects of inquiry proposed were so multifarious, that the country would be ruined, or relief would come of itself, before that committee could make its report. He conceived that there should be a revision of our system of taxation-that those taxes should be removed which bore principally upon the productive classes of society, and the deficiency supplied by the imposition of a modified property tax. He thought that by

a well-regulated and modified propertytax, to the extent of five per cent, we might be able to raise 5,000,000l. annually, and that we could in that way afford a reduction to that amount in the taxes that peculiarly pressed upon the productive classes of society in this country.

in the country. After the speech made by the right hon. Secretary for the Home Department on a former evening, it would be unfair not to admit that Government had taken a correct view of the extent of that distress. He was convinced that, at present, Ministers were pursuing a right course; and if he differed from them at all, it was as to the extent to which they

that the country had a right to demand a greater reduction of taxation than had hitherto been made, and also a greater reduction of expenditure. In the salaries paid to our ambassadors there was great room for retrenchment; and he thought that we should be only acting with wisdom if we imitated the frugal example which had been set to us by other nations

The Marquis of Blandford said, that he could not refuse to give his assent to a Motion, of which the object was, to in-thought it expedient to go. He thought quire into the condition of the productive classes of society, with a view of affording them some relief from the distress which at present was pressing them to the earth. He would briefly point out to the House the course which he thought Ministers ought to pursue in the present crisis of the country. They ought to remove at once from 10,000,000l. to 12,000,000l. of taxation, and to accompany that re-in that respect. He should certainly vote moval by a considerable reduction of ex- against the Motion of the hon. Member penditure. They ought to abolish all for Shaftesbury. sinecures, pensions, and useless places. General Gascoyne supported the MoThey ought to modify the taxes, which tion for a committee, and in reply to the they left upon the country, and for that observations of the right hon. the President purpose he would have no objection to of the Board of Trade, contended that concede to them a tax upon all descrip- whatever might be the case in Liverpool, tions of capital. If they would not ac- there was in the districts which ranged quiesce in this willingly, they would, ere within a few miles around it, greater dislong, find a spirit excited in the country tress than in any other portion of the which would compel them to do it, how- United Kingdom. Indeed, he could not ever reluctantly. There was at present, help wondering at the language employed he was sorry to say it, but little sympa- on this subject by the supporters of Ministhy between the representative and the ters. To judge from their speeches, there constituent body. It was in vain for the was no distress in the country; but unpeople to waste their time in petitioning fortunately for their veracity, the Ministers either House of Parliament: let them, themselves admitted the distress of the therefore, respectfully, but firmly, pour in country to be the main cause of the defaltheir addresses to the Throne from all cation in the last year's Revenue. Beparts of the country, stating that they sides, the recent proposal to repeal taxes could no longer endure in patience the was an indication that Ministers were at sufferings which overwhelmed them. Then last becoming sensible to the existence, if perhaps their grievances would be redressed not to the extent, of the distress. He and the Constitution regenerated. In his was surprised to hear an hon. friend of view he would say, adopting the lan-his, (Sir Thomas Gooch) who some years guage of Lord Chatham, "the present is a perilous and tremendous moment. Flattery cannot save us in this awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the Throne in the language of truth; we must if possible dispel the darkness and delusion which envelope it, and display in its true light and genuine colours, the ruin which is brought to our doors."

Mr. Lennard declared his intention of voting against the proposition for a committee, because he was convinced that the granting of a committee would not relieve the distress which he acknowledged to exist

ago had proposed an inquiry in its nature
precisely similar to the present, rise up to
make a speech in opposition to this Mo-
tion. The simple question then before the
House was, whether the numberless peti-
tions presented from the people were
worthy of consideration, and if they were
not, why were the people ever allowed to
petition at all. To refuse inquiry was
to tell them their complaints were of no
consequence.
He trusted that the people
would not forget the votes which might
be given that night. He trusted that
those Members who now showed them-

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