Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

practicability of equalizing those burthens which they may not be able to remove, and by a fair and equal tax upon property, to make all classes contribute to the public exigencies, especially those who were secking untaxed comforts in foreign lands.

the crime of forgery or conspiracy to forge, and also of the record and proceedings in the Supreme Court of the said Colony, in the year 1824, and of the punishment and sentence, whereby the said several persons, or any of them, were convicted of the crime of forgery, and whether they were punished or pardoned for the same; and also such information as may shew whether the offence in that case before the Magistrates was the same or different from that before the Supreme Court."

Mr. C. Pallmer then presented a Petition from the workmen at Barn Elms, complaining of the pressure of the existing distress. That was the residence of a great politician, and great political economist; and the petitioners had entered into some details which were not unworthy of the Mr. Hume said, in seconding the Motion, notice of the House. They complained of he must express his satisfaction that his the plans to give them relief by emigra- hon. and learned friend had taken it out tion, stating, that of the 11,000 parishes of his hands, for he was well able to point in England and Wales, 1,004 did not pos-out what was right or wrong in any legal sess each 100 inhabitants. It was not, therefore the excess of population, but of taxes, which caused their distress. They stated, that the money paid for the relief of the poor did not amount to 6,000,000l. sterling, per year, while the taxes levied by the Government amounted to nearly 60,000,000l. They complained, too, of nearly 7,000,000l. being annually allotted to churchmen and others, each of whom received as much as 200 labourers. In conclusion, they entreated that the grievances of the people might be inquired into and the taxes reduced.

Petition laid on the Table.

question. He was further anxious to state that when the Secretary for the Colonies, the right hon. and gallant General opposite (Sir G. Murray) received the first application on this subject, he evinced the greatest readiness to inquire fully into it; in fact, he wrote at once to the Colony for information, requiring at the same time that justice should be done to these persons. From the feelings by which that right hon. Gentleman was then governed, he was persuaded that the sentence of punishment, if it were wrong, and the second sentence for the same offence, would not be carried into execution.

Sir George Murray said, he meant to make no opposition to the Motion. He had already given the hon. Member for Montrose all the information he then possessed, and he could assure him that on all similar occasions he should feel it his duty to pursue the same course. The moment it was ascertained at the Colonial Office that an irregularity had been committed, orders were immediately sent out to put an end to the punishment. He wished to inform the House that the first proceeding occurred before the present regular court of justice was established in the Colony, and that such irregularities were not likely again to occur.

DOUBLE PUNISHMENT.] Mr. O'Connell rose to move for certain documents with a view to shew that certain individuals had been punished twice for the same offence. These individuals were first tried for a conspiracy to forge, and then for the crime of forgery. If it were true that these individuals were tried before a competent tribunal, and were about to be tried for the same offence before another tribunal, that would be a violation of justice, according as it was administered here, which ought not to be allowed, and which called for explanation. It was to obtain correct information on the subject, that he should then move "That an humble address be pre- Mr. Hume added, that so candid and sented to his Majesty, praying that he will explicit a declaration gave him reason to be graciously pleased to give directions that believe that justice would be done withthere be laid before this House a copy of out the papers being produced, and perthe record of proceeding before the Magis-haps it would be better if his hon. and trates in the Colony of Van Diemen's Land, and of the judgment and sentence. whereby Joseph B. Clark, James Cox, Thomas Bird, William Frazer, and Charles Browne, or any of them, were convicted and sentenced to corporal punishment for

learned friend were not to press his Motion.

Mr. O'Connell said, he concurred in the opinion of his hon. friend, the Member for Montrose, and with permission of the House he would withdraw his Motion. Motion withdrawn.

DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY-ADJOURNED DEBATE.] On the Order of the Day for resuming the Debate on the Distress of the Country being moved by Mr. Herries,

sentiment put into my mouth is calculated to convey a meaning, of all others, the most abhorrent to the feelings of an Englishman. I have some reason to apprehend that such a meaning has, some how or other, abroad, been assigned to it. I have said enough, Sir, to rescue myself from the possibility of so horrible a misconstruction, and, I think, quite enough to satisfy the House that I owed it to them, as well as to myself, to trouble you with this explanation. I am perfectly sure that, if what fell from me in the Debate to which I have alluded, could, by possibility, have conveyed such an impression to the mind of any one individual in this House, an immediate burst of indignation would have given me the opportunity of an instant disavowal; and I am equally sure, that the mistake of the Newspaper must have arisen purely from haste and inadvertency, because I cannot believe that any man, having English blood in his veins, would ascribe to another the use of expressions which might seem to imply, if not to justify, assassination.

Mr. Huskisson rose and spoke as follows:Sir; I rise to request your indulgence for a very short time upon a subject personally interesting to my own character, and in which, I may add, that of this House is in some degree concerned. Every Gentleman who hears me is aware of the great exertions that are made by the daily press to give to the public the speeches made in this House, within a very few hours after they are delivered. This arduous task is executed, I believe, honestly and impartially; but from the difficulties which attend it, especially in protracted debates, it cannot be matter of surprise that inaccuracies sometimes occur in the reports. Upon ordinary occasions, I am sure that I am the last man who would trouble the House by calling your attention to any trifling inaccuracy; but, Sir, a mistake, which I find has inadvertently been made in sending forth to the world It will be seen by referring to the report some words, purporting to have been given of Mr. Huskisson's Speech, March 10th, used by me on the motion of my noble in these Debates [see Part 1. vol. xxiii. friend, respecting Portugal, is not of that page 141,] that we did not fall into the error immaterial character. In that Debate I alluded to. We were indebted to the first auspoke very late, and in the course of what thority for a correct version of what was spoken by the right hon. Gentleman. Circumstances I addressed to the House, after comparing such as these give to this Collection of Debates the character of the present Ruler of Por- a peculiar value, and explain why this is tugal to that of our Richard the third, I" the Document usually consulted by Memadded something to this effect:-That if there should ever arise a struggle for the throne in Portugal, between the usurping uncle and his niece, the legitimate Queen, for one I should not be sorry if the issue Mr. O'Connell said, he felt that some of that struggle should complete the pa- apology was due from him to the House for rallel-that it would be something for having been one of the persons who prothe honour of high lineage and royal blood tracted this debate beyond the third evenif a life of wickedness were closed by a ing; but he had an apology, and a strong death of courage. I am the more sure one, in the sense of the duty he owed his that I used expressions to this effect, as I constituents, and in the conviction that followed them by stating that Don Miguel the subject ought not to be disposed of would then, at least, redeem himself in his- without the House being made acquainted tory from the character which had been with the great and unusual distress of the given him in another place, of being cow- people of Ireland. The Members of that ardly because he was cruel. Now, Sir, in kingdom constituted more than onesome Newspaper of the next morning, I seventh of the whole House of Comam made to use the following words, "It mons, but yet, with the exception of the was to be hoped that he would finish a life hon. Member for Louth (Mr. L. Foster) of infamy by a death of violence." Not not one of them had said a word on the having read the Debate, it is only very re- question. He avowed that, as he felt it cently that I have been made acquainted his duty, so he should make it his object, with the fact of this misrepresentation. to support one or other of the motions for Every Gentleman must be aware that the inquiry. A plain case had been made out

bers of Parliament." [See Commons Debate, Sir Charles Wetherell's Speech, June 10th.]

[The Debate on the Distress of the Country was then resumed.]

792

for inquiry, which was all he demanded. I the people from the Receivers of the Court Although he thought that the original of Chancery. Now it was well known Motion was the more dignified and useful, that in the collection of rents those receivyet, if any good reason appeared for pre- ers received only one half-year within the ferring the Amendment, he was prepared other. At the time, therefore, at which the to vote for that. His reasons for support- right hon. Gentleman made his inquiry, ing inquiry were these:-It was generally they were only receiving the rents for May; admitted that there was very great distress and consequently could know nothing in England. That fact had been admitted with respect to the ability of the tenants by the right hon. Secretary of State; and to pay the rent which had subsequently it was impossible to controvert it, unless it become due. could be proved that the petitions, greater therefore, that there was then no arrear. They might fairly say, in number than had ever before been pre- But the inference which he drew from that sented to the House, were a mass of mis- circumstance was the reverse of that drawn representation. It was also alleged that from it by the right hon. Gentleman. there was distress in Scotland; not so great The right hon. Gentleman then talked of as in England-but still of awful magni- something which he called prosperity at tude. That there was distress in Ireland Belfast. was equally indisputable. Early in the Session he had made that statement. had not since been contradicted; but, on It the contrary, had been confirmed. He had declared that there was great distress in Dublin, in Cork, and in Bandon; and to these he was sorry to say that he was now able to add, in Drogheda, in Newry, and in Kilkenny. He had previously declared, and the declaration had been subsequently but too well established, that in Ireland hundreds and thousands of the people were in a state of starvation. The entire agricultural population of Ireland (and in Ireland the population was almost solely agricultural) was in the deepest distress; except in those spots in which the wheat farmers had more than usually good crops last year. The condition of the grazing counties of Ireland was such, that cattle purchased a twelvemonth ago, were sold for less than they cost, so that all the expense of their food for that period was sacrificed. The only Irish Member who had spoken in this discussion was the right hon. Member for Louth, who had been pleased to say, that although in particular instances he (Mr. O'Connell) was right in his statement of distress in Ireland, yet that the general rule was the other way. He had, however, waited in vain to hear some proofs of that assertion. The right hon. Gentleman had been seeking for information with respect to the alleged distress in Ireland. Now there were two classes of persons who sought for information: the one who sought where it was to be found, and the other who sought where it was not to be found. The right hon. Gentleman ranked among the latter. He inquired respecting the condition of

supposed prosperity was founded on the It turned out, however, that this fact that some persons in the county of 4s. a week by weaving for the Belfast Lowth were earning the enormous sum of manufacturers. What was the case, however, at Drogheda, and at Newry? From Drogheda he (Mr. O'Connell) had presented a petition, declaring that out of 16,000 persons, 8,000 were destitute of the means of subsistence. the distress was, to his knowledge, extenIn Newry also sive. It was thus clear, that there was great distress in England-that there was great distress in Ireland-that there was great distress in Scotland. He called on the House to inquire into that distress. He must not be told that a Committee had been already appointed to inquire into the state of Ireland. The Committee appointed was only to inquire into the condition of the Irish paupers-not to investigate the general distress of the country-not to ascertain how the property of the industrious classes had been taken from them by an enhancement of the value of the currency, and by other causes. per class, however, was not the only class The pauwhich required relief; Ireland did not want hospitals and workhouses. The class that never begged was now demanding assistance.

be relieved from the pressure that weighed The industrious classes require to them to the earth. The national energies wanted full play,and how were they toreceive this-how were the burthens to be removed successfully if the House refused to inquire into their effects. The character of the present distress in Ireland was this :-On former occasions, when the artisans and manufacturers of that country,were distressed, and especially when that sickly exotic,

the silk manufacture, was distressed, abun-sentation connected with no oligarchydant funds were collected by public bene- with none of those higher, those towering volence for the purpose of affording relief. stems, which were secure from the storms In the present year, however, instead of that blew on the humble shrub and withered as formerly collecting 15,000l., 16,000l., it in its lowliness. But surely it ought not or 20,0001. in Dublin, the whole sum col- to be said that the gentlemen of England, lected was 3,500l., of which the Lord of Ireland, and of Scotland were not Lieutenant had contributed 500l. This equally willing to inquire what relief could was a proof that the distress was of a cha- be given to the distressed population of racter which stopped the sources of charity, their own countries? Would they abstain and prevented the benevolent from render- from all efforts, and wait patiently on the ing their benevolence available. This was strand until the tide should come in and a new feature in the state of Ireland. float the grounded vessels? Would they Under all these circumstances, the people leave that to chance which ought to be had a right to ask the House to endeavour subjected to the dominion of an over-ruling to relieve them. For what purpose were intelligence? The proposition for inquiry they sent there? Not merely to vote large had been resisted on various grounds. In sums of money for the maintenance of our the first place, the Vice-president of the Army and Navy. If they were unable to Board of Trade said, that Government had inquire into the distresses of the people, already afforded the people relief by taking why did they not abdicate a post to which off taxation. He could not, however, conthey acknowledged themselves incompe- cur in the opinion of the right hon. Gentletent? It was a confession of their defici- man that that was a sufficient relief. Three ency either in intellect or in honesty. Now millions of taxes were to be taken off the he by no means wished to calumniate the people of England; but then they were House. He was sure that no persons in not to be taken off until October. It was that House would abstain from affording an odd species of relief to tell the sufferers relief to the people if they knew how to that if they survived until the month of afford it. He was sure that neither those October they should then drink beer who delighted in the name of Whigs, cheap. So much for the people of Engnor those who thought themselves honour- land; but what was to be said to the people ed by the appellation of Tories, nor the of Ireland? From the taxation of the small and sacred band of Radical Reform- people of Ireland the Chancellor of the ers, to which he boasted of belonging, were Exchequer had taken off 30,000l., or deficient in inclination to relieve distress. 40,000l., in the shape of Leather duty. But was it not proper that an inquiry It was well done; and as far as it went should be entered into to ascertain he was grateful for it; but then the right how far that general inclination could be hon. Gentleman had added 110,000l. gratified. If it were impossible to relieve on Stamps, and 20,000l., or 30,000l. on the people, at least let them not be disap- Spirits. If, therefore, the Vice-president pointed of the hoped-for inquiry. The of the Board of Trade's principle, that to refusal to enter into an inquiry into the diminish the taxation of the people of distresses of the people afforded a striking England was to diminish their distress, contrast to the manner in which the French was a good principle, it followed that to Parliament had recently behaved under increase the taxation of the people of Iresimilar circumstances. In their answer land was to increase their distress. The to the speech with which the King opened people of Ireland found it impracticable the Sessions, that illustrious assembly, to bear their present weight of distress; which had since had the honour conferred and to make them go more easily, it was on it of being prorogued because it had proposed to make them carry double. An declared its determination to vindicate admirable plan! Let it be remembered, its independence, thus expressed itself; however, that it was not an Irish Parliament "The reduction of the public revenue which which had voted this kind of relief. your Majesty has announced is a symptom countrymen did not blunder practically in of an afflicting nature; we shall do all in that way, nor fancy they relieved the people our power to investigate the cause of the by increasing their burthens. They were distress which it announces." This was a said to be of such a happy temperament, specimen of the real representation of the that they laughed at distress; the right hon. people which existed in France; a repre- Gentleman seemed determined that they

His

should have enough to laugh at. The hon. Member for Newark, whose talents he respected, and whom he was sorry to hear ridiculed by an hon. Gentleman opposite, had denounced the opinions of the right hon. Gentleman on that subject. He would not use so strong a word as denounce; but he would proclaim that to diminish the distress of England by diminishing the taxation, while we increased the distress of Ireland by increasing the taxation, was a measure of which the Irish people had just cause loudly to complain. It had been said in that House that Ireland was not taxed so much as she ought to be, in proportion to England. That he denied. Calculating the rental of both countries, he maintained that Ireland, even in paying the four millions which she did pay, was burthened with more than her proportion. Let it be recollected that from four to seven millions of her rental were spent out of the country. Let it be recollected that she was taxed above a million annually by Grand Jury Presentments and Vestry Cesses. Did he want to abolish taxation in Ireland? No. What he wanted was inquiry. And was that to be refused, lest its results might be unpleasant to this country, though it would be salutary to Ireland? The principal opposition which the Motion had met with was from the Secretary of State for the Home Department. His speech was luminous-the talents of the right hon. Gentleman of course rendered it so; but it was also humorous. If there were misery without, there was certainly merriment within doors, and sorry was he to say, that the misery of Ireland had been considered a fit subject for mirth in that House. The spectacle had been presented at one and the same time of perishing artisans and labourers, a facetions Privy Councillor, and a laughing Legislature. For his own part, that which entertained others, filled him with sorrow. He should have preferred hearing the people told, that they should not receive relief, even that no inquiry should be made into the cause of their distress, in the sepulchral tones of the undertaker, rather than with a merriment of manner fit for another stage. After a triumphant reply on the part of the right hon. Secretary of State to the hon. Member for Liverpool, he placed the objections to the Motion on two grounds-grounds, indeed, which had been over and over again repeated in the course of the Debate. The first was, the fear lest the inquiry

might be suffered to unsettle the principles of Free Trade; the second was, the fear lest it should compromise the eternal fixity of the Currency. For his part, he thought that we had not enough of either of these matters; that we had not enough of Free Trade, and that we had not enough of Currency. The Vice-president of the Board of Trade, in advocating the principles of Free Trade, had said very justly that it was the interest of every country to buy wherever it could obtain a commodity at the cheapest rate. True. But why did the right hon. Gentleman forget corn? What article was there which it was so desirable the people should buy cheaply as bread? To talk of the principles of Free Trade, and to maintain the Corn Laws, was absurd and inconsistent. What reason could the right hon. Gentleman give for taxing the hon. Member for Newark with inconsistency, when he himself advocated the principles of Free Trade; and yet, before he sat down, interposed his shield between the Corn Laws and abolition? Then came a gallant officer, who talked of the advantages of low wages and low prices. But to be advantageous they must be universal. Let the gallant officer repair to the levee-room of an illustrious Field Marshal in full pay, and talk to him of the advantage of low wages. It was a little too much to tell the poor of the advantages of low wages, when they were starving upon them. The gallant officer might find that the commendation of low wages was not always so safe a doctrine as it was in the House of Commons. When that gallant officer led his columns against the enemy, no man could do his duty more bravely or better. But if the gallant officer were to draw up his regiment in a hollow square, and talk to the soldiers of the advantage of low wages, it was not very likely that he would produce conviction, though he might mutiny. The people would feel deeply and long any haughty refusal to go into an inquiry with a view to ascertain how far it might be practicable to relieve them. With respect to Free Trade, therefore, it appeared that if there was any difference between himself and the opponents of the Motion, it was that they thought that those principles had been carried far enough, and that he did not think so. He pressed those principles as a reason for inquiry. He wished it to be ascertained whether an extension of the principles of Free Trade might not alleviate

« AnteriorContinuar »