more rights than another, and for myself, I do not presume to have any claims for a renomination more than any other member of our party, only so far as I have done my duty to the territory, and our party, may justify my hopes of a renomination and election. My ambition has been and still is to deserve the confidence of my political and personal friends by an honest and faithful discharge of my duties, and by this means, to win at least the respect of my political enemies. I have been anxious that my course should meet the approval of my friends, and that they should not regret the time and money spent to procure my election. I would be glad to be renominated by those who were my friends in the last canvass, for it is their approval that I am most anxious to secure. I feel that I have done my duty, but I am much dissatisfied with the result of my labor. I do not think I have had a fair opportunity in this session of Congress, now fast approaching its close. The difficulties that have surrounded me, and with which I have had to contend, I fear are not understood or appreciated by my friends at home, and unless I can accomplish something in the next session of this Congress, I fear I shall stand but a poor chance of being again elected. With the administration against me and with Congress with "retrenchment on the brain," I have been almost powerless; but no man ever worked harder or more faithfully than I have, and I am satisfied that those who know anything of my endeavors to serve faithfully those I represent, especially those from our own territory, or Oregon, who have been here during this session of Congress, will justify what I have said in regard to myself. I do not say I have accomplished as much as any one else might have done, but I do say that I have done my very best, and my honest conviction is that no one could have succeeded where I have failed. I will only add in regard to myself that I wish and hope my friends will feel that I deserve to be re-nominated and elected, and that our party can elect me if any republican can be elected. If this is or shall be the feeling, I shall expect to be nominated. If it is not the feeling when our convention meets, I shall expect to give place to some one else. You cannot misunderstand my position; I keep nothing back; I write you frankly and honestly what my feelings and purposes are.

"ALVIN FLANDERS."

Marshall F. Moore, President Johnson's appointee to the governor's chair, became Garfielde's opponent for the delegateship and the campaign which followed was bitter. Frank Clark, of Steilacoom, one of Moore's spellbinders, a man whose actions did not at all times conform to the highest ideals of moral philosophy, was a good target for the shafts of Editor Watson, who on one occasion published the following editorial:

"That Five Thousand Dollars :-Frank Clark, the custodian of the funds sent from Portland by Ladd & Tilton for the election of Marshall F. Moore, has been spreading himself hugely with the money entrusted to him for disbursement. He took peculiar delight in displaying it to the gaze of people down the Sound, boasting, while so doing, of the amount in his hands and of his rich bankers. A friend assures us that he saw in Clark's hands $4,800 in gold, after the latter had expended several hundred dollars.

"A very proper inquiry here is, where did this money come from? If Ladd and Tilton didn't furnish it, who did? It is well known that Clark had no money

of his own. The ex-governor was in the same financial condition and no sane man will believe that Moore could borrow five or six thousand dollars on the strength of his prospects of election. It is safe to presume that the Portland bankers furnished it, for a consideration contingent upon the election of Moore." -Territorial Republican, June 5, 1869.

Garfielde defeated Moore, the vote being 2,743 for the former and 2,594 for the latter.

When the Legislature of 1869-70 assembled the bolters for a time held the balance of power and kept both houses in turmoil. Lobby rows were carried to the floor of both Council and House; animosities led to fist fights and on one occasion almost to a shooting, and the sergeant-at-arms was at his wits' end in keeping a semblance of order. A preceding legislative assembly had provided for drafting a new code of laws. The code was reported and the Legislature was making rapid work when it was discovered the public printer, a member of the Federal ring, was reaping an unexpectedly rich harvest out of the printing.

James Rodgers, territorial printer, was but a figurehead through whose hands was supposed to flow the 20 or 25 per cent commission on territorial printing customarily paid to the territorial secretary. Samuel Coulter, the printer to whom the code had been "farmed out" is said to have expected the work to yield about thirty thousand dollars. The plan was working well when news of it was carried to Governor Flanders. The governor had gone over to the anti-Garfielde bolters and in two messages vetoed 104 of the bills of the new code. This explains the fragmentary appearance of the code of 1869, but it does not explain the exceedingly voluminous index. Coulter, when the governor cut short his profits by vetoing the 104 bills, started in to make up the loss by indexing and cross-indexing the work left in his hands. More than one hundred pages were used in covering the first three letters of the alphabet and was making progress and profits-when Territorial Secretary James Scott called a halt by exclaiming: "My God! Over one hundred pages and not through the c's?"

Before the completion of the first volume of the Territorial Republican, Editor Watson died. Friends took up the work, the volume was completed, the paper suspended and in October, 1869, the printing plant passed into the hands of a company which established the Commercial Age. When Garfielde took charge of the office of surveyor general in 1866 Clarence B. Bagley became his clerk. When the Age made its appearance Bagley was editor, and automatically a member of the Federal ring.

Back in Illinois, in the late '40s, Bagley, Sr., and Owen Lovejoy preached many denunciatory sermons on the slavery question, oftentimes holding their meetings together. Bagley, Jr., when a boy wore the black and white check hat of the abolitionist. The removal of the family to the Pacific coast did not check the growth of abolition ideas and, quite naturally, father and son became republicans. Bagley became the "boy editor:" so young was he that Wells Drury, the office "devil," and afterward for many years prominent in Oakland, Calif., politics, dubbed him "Pap." With the lapse of time "Pap" became "Pop." Bagley moved to Seattle, became secretary of the Board of Public Works, collected the best privately owned library of Washington historical material in existence and is still "Pop" Bagley to his intimates.

The Age, under Bagley's editorial management, became a good newspaper

and for some months paid but little attention to politics. As the spring campaign of 1870 approached it found this position hard to maintain and political matter soon filled most of its columns. Dissatisfaction increased in republican ranks, the convention split on Garfielde, and open revolt followed.

In a lengthy address, the bolters, late in April, presented their side of the question to the voters. Garfielde was charged with having obtained the nomination by fraud and with having changed the republican party into "a mongrel faction, composed in part, and controlled entirely, by men who are not republicans, but unprincipled democrats in disguise, whose end and aim is self-aggrandizement." The address had been prepared in the preceding November. It endorsed President Grant's administration, called for a convention and was signed by a large number of prominent men.

The bolters' executive committee, consisting of S. D. Howe, A. A. Manning, G. A. Meigs, C. C. Hewitt, Ezra Meeker, A. A. Denny and John E. Burns met the next week and placed Marshall Blinn before the voters as the bolters' candidate for delegate. The committee adopted a platform endorsing the national republican platform and the territory entered upon the wildest campaign it had experienced.

Blinn's Seabeck sawmill and lumber-carrying sailing vessels had made him a rich man. He had served in the Legislature of 1868, during which service the Olympia Transcript had said he was "a republican, a capitalist, a sharp business man, and, we believe, honest; but about as verdant in political chicanery and legislative matters as the celebrated animal known as 'Thompson's Colt.'"

Won over to the bolters' cause by an appeal to his "personal animosity, ambition and schoolboy simplicity," Blinn became the Thompson's Colt of the campaign. He bought a controlling interest in the Transcript, chartered steamboats, hired brass bands and spellbinders, traveled up and down the Sound in state, held meetings at which much music and oratory abounded, spent money freely, and went down to defeat with a vote of but 155 out of a total of 6,357. Garfielde defeated J. D. Mix, the democratic candidate, by a majority of 736 and immediately after the election started on a tour of Eastern Washington—the Transcript said, with the object of escaping would-be office holders.

The bolters' campaign with its slogan "The Band Is Still Playing," and its charge of "carpet-baggers" and "piebalds" hurled at the Garfielde faction, placed Washington in history as the scene of the first organized bolt from the republican party. It also placed Garfielde in control of the political situation, a control he might have held for years had it not been for his attempts to turn politica! enemies into henchman. Because of this "trimmer" element in his make-up, friends turned against him and sent O. B. McFadden to the national capital as delegate in 1872. McFadden served one term and was succeeded by Judge Orange Jacobs, a strong temperance man, a resident of Seattle, and a man who had been free of "ring" activities. In a great measure Jacobs brought the bolters back to the republican party.

Aside from the purely local question of Federal patronage, the main cause of the bolt is to be found in the attempted impeachment of President Johnson. The impeachment trial's first result was the defeat of Garfielde by Marshall F. Moore, a Johnson man. The election of General Grant to the presidency brought Grant never forgave any man who had been a Johnson

a change of sentiment.

partisan and because of this the promising careers of several Washington men were checked, if not brought to a close. Among the men who suffered thus were Phillip D. Moore and Elwood Evans. Garfielde was, perhaps, the greatest orator Washington has ever sent to the national capital. His mastery of words, ability as a phrase builder and power in swaying audiences gave him a national reputation. He was called "Washington's Silver Tongued Orator." Had it been a reputation entirely free of spots, Garfielde might have risen to great prominence.

Vol. 1-15

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE UPS AND DOWNS OF PORT ANGELES VICTOR SMITH SENT TO PORT TOWNSEND AS COLLECTOR-SMITH PROPOSES FORTIFICATION OF PORT ANGELES BAY, AND REMOVAL OF CUSTOM HOUSE TO PORT ANGELES-PRESIDENT RESERVES MILITARY AND NAVAL SITE-CROOKEDNESS IN OFFICE-QUICK THAW TEARS OUT FOUNDATIONS OF NEW CUSTOM HOUSE-FIGHT CARRIED TO WASHINGTON CITY-SAFE ON WRECKED VESSEL FORCED AND $3,000,000 STOLEN SMITH IS DROWNED AND

THIEVES ESCAPE.

Cruising through the straits now bearing his name, Juan de Fuca, so the story goes, encountered a furious gale, which so threatened the destruction of his fleet. that the Greek sailor sought safety in a land locked harbor on the south shore. De Fuca considered his deliverance the beneficent act of angels and, in thank- . fulness for their guidance, named the bay El Puerto de Angeles. The years that have come and gone since 1592 have shortened El Puerto de Angeles to Port Angeles.

Port Angeles, like every other western town, has had its "ups and downs," and if the angels guided Juan de Fuca's ships in that long ago, subsequent history shows times when they seem to have relaxed their beneficent vigilance. Several times it has given promise of becoming a city of considerable importance. Several times the receeding tide of population has disappeared up the straits leaving those forced to remain, almost hopeless.

The storm having spent its fury, De Fuca sailed out of the bay of the Angeles leaving it to its peaceful slumbers. Except for the occasional visit of adventurous explorer or trader, or the canoe of the Indian, its waters remained undisturbed for 270 years. This brings the history down to the year 1861, in the spring of which, Confederate soldiers burned the bridge at Harper's Ferry, Virginia, and threatened the national capital with capture. The burning of the bridge seriously interferred with the transportation of troops and Washington laid plans for its rebuilding.

In the capital at this time was Victor Smith, a man who lately had arrived from an editorial desk in Cincinnati, and a man to whom the administration felt itself indebted for campaign favors. Smith was placed in charge of transporting bridge materials, performed his duties successfully and when he returned to Washington, Secretary Chase obtained his appointment to the post of collector of customs for Puget Sound and special agent of the treasury, with great powers. July 30, 1861, the new collector arrived at Port Townsend. His arrival stirred up a hornets' nest. Every other man he met was seeking appointment in the Federal service. The new collector learned that much of the money appropriated by the government for the benefit of the Indians was finding its way into the