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The Inauguration of James Madison Inaugural Address of the fourth president - The new cabinet - Position of affairs on Madison's accession Conduct of England and France - Mr. Erskine's negotiations and their results Opening of Congress - The president's message The British government refuses to sanction Mr. Erskine's acts Irritation and excitement Views of the federalists Mr. Jackson appointed minister from EnglandHis course Congress meet President's message quoted Resolutions of the Senate Acts of the House The manufactures of the Union Report on conduct of General Wilkinson - The Rambouillet decree Napoleon's announcement of the revocation of his decrees - British government refuse to rescind the orders in council - Intercourse with France renewed-Occupancy of West Florida - Congress meet in December, 1810-The president's message— Debate in the House on the petition of the territory of Orleans to be admitted as a state Quincy's speech - Question as to the renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States-Debate on the subject — The result - Debate on the non-intercourse act― Feeling in the navy towards England Affair of the President and the Little Belt The United States and two British ships- Mr. Foster appointed minister from England His correspondence with the secretary of state--Meeting of Congress looked for with anxiety Troubles in the cabinet-Monroe appointed secretary of state-The Indians in the north-west-Tecumseh's plans-General Harrison's movements -The battle of Tippecanoe-Severe and bloody contest - Its result.

ON the 4th day of March, 1809, a goodly company assembled in the capitol at Washington, to witness the inauguration of James Madison as fourth president of the United States. Mr. Jefferson was there, as were also many members of Congress, the foreign ministers, and a crowd of citizens. Mr. Madison was clad in a plain suit of black, entirely of American manufacture, and modestly, yet in a dignified manner, went through the important ceremonies of the day. His inaugural address, though brief, was not deficient in energy and ability; and it met with and it met with general approbation. As on previous occasions, we give the address in full.

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of the most revered authority, I avail
myself of the occasion now presented,
to express the
to express the profound impression
made on me by the call of my country
to the station, to the duties of which I
am about to pledge myself by the
most solemn of sanctions. So distin-
guished a mark of confidence, proceed-
ing from the deliberate and tranquil
suffrage of a free and virtuous nation,
would, under any circumstances, have
commanded my gratitude and devotion,
as well as filled me with an awful sense
of the trust to be assumed. Under
the various circumstances which give
peculiar solemnity to the existing pe-
riod, I feel, that both the honor and
the responsibility allotted to me are
inexpressibly enhanced.

"The present situation of the world

1809.

is indeed without a parallel; and that of our country full of difficulties. The pressure of these too, is the more severely felt, because they have fallen upon us at a moment, when national prosperity being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from this change has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign influence of our republican institutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, whilst so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were enjoyed in an unrivalled growth of our faculties and resources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture; in the successful enterprises of commerce; in the progress of manufactures and useful arts; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt; and in the valuable works and establishments everywhere multiplying over the face of our land.

"It is a precious reflection, that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country, to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involuntary errors in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace, by observing justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions

will not be questioned. Posterity at least will do justice to them.

1809.

"This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced, equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued, in spite of the demonstrations, that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempts to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself, that under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor, and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragement than what springs from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink under the weight of this deep conviction, it is because I find some support in a consciousness of the purposes, and a confidence in the principles which I bring with me into this arduous service.

"To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer, in all cases, amicable discussions and reasonable accommodation of differences, to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones: to foster a

CH. VI.]

MADISON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the states as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to the people, as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve, in their full energy, the other the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering, that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics, that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor, with large ones, safe; to promote, by authorized means, improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor, in like manner, the advancement of science and the diffusion of information, as the best aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors, from the degradation and wretch

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edness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state:-as far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfilment of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me.

"It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illustrious services, successfully rendered in the most trying difficulties, by those who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor, it might least become me here to speak; I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents, zealously devoted, through a 1809. long career, to the advancement of its highest interests and happiness. But the source to which I look for the aids, which alone can supply my deficiencies, is in the well-tried intelligence and virtue of and virtue of my fellow-citizens, and in the counsels of those representing them in the other departments associated in the care of the national interests. In these my confidence will, under every difficulty, be placed, next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being, whose Almighty Being, whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the future."

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