WASHINGTON, January 29, 1866. To the honorable gentlemen of the "Reconstruction Committee:" GENTLEMEN: In compliance with suggestions from the Hon. Senator Grimes, I respectfully submit these my opinions, with the reasons therefor, in relation to the loyalty and present feelings of the people whom I have the honor to represent. Since the first occupation of Memphis by the national forces, in June, 1862, no spirit of discontent or insubordination has ever manifested itself; and though we have, in addition to the usual taxes, been compelled most of the time to pay from three to five per cent. tax on all merchandise shipped to Memphis, and twenty-five per cent. and four cents per pound on all cotton shipped from Memphis, and two dollars per bale military tax, and other military taxes ad infinitum amounting, in the aggregate, to millions of dollars-it has been promptly paid without complaint. Our "internal revenue tax collector" now proudly asserts that his collections have been made with a promptness above the average of northern cities, and that the disgraceful attempts to defraud the government, so prevalent elsewhere, are comparatively unknown in Memphis. When our army was needed actively on other fields, and that portion remaining at Memphis was inadequate to protect the immense army stores there collected, our entire able-bodied male population, amounting to many thousands, was organized, armed, and equipped for active militia duty; many having to remain on duty all the time, and all compelled to suspend business for the purpose of drilling from one to two days in each week; and such was their conduct on several occasions of threatened attack, as to call forth the congratulatory orders of the commanding generals, to one of whom, the "Hon. R. P. Buckland," I respectfully refer. We also furnished our quota in the last draft. The crops of 1863, '64, and '65, in "West Tennessee," were not cultivated by involuntary servitude, but by compensated labor; and the result of the three years' experience is, that our colored population have learned the important lesson that a good and trusty laborer will command better wages than a bad one; and our white population, who own the land, have learned the equally important lesson that he who pays wages promptly, and fairly, and otherwise honestly redeems his obligations to the employé, will surely procure the best and most reliable laborers. The prejudice that did at one time exist against the negroes as freedmen remaining in our State has been most effectually dispelled by a remembrance of their good qualities during the war; and, by self-interest, the most potent of all arguments, reminding us that the profitable cultivation of our rich and productive lands requires twice the number of laborers now there. In view of this desire to retain these laborers in our State, I believe there is no disposition on the part of our citizens to impose illiberal terms on those they employ; and I know they have not the ability to do so, as the demand for labor is so much in excess of the supply as to give all the advantage to the employé. The only relic of slavery now seen in our midst is the frequent practice, by agents of the "Freedmen's Bureau," (generally understood to be for a consideration,) of compelling negroes to make unwilling contracts with parties with whom they do not desire to live. I am fully persuaded that, if left to a vote of the former slave-owners of my district, they would now vote by a large majority against assuming the moral responsibility of re-enslaving the negroes. I am sure that the colored laborers of this district will make more money this year than any equal number of white laborers in States north of the cotton producing region. During my contest for my present position I travelled on horseback, alone much of the time, through the entire district; and though my Union sentiments, already notorious, were plainly and boldly proclaimed day after day, I did not hear a rude or impolite expression, though the country was full of returned rebel soldiers, who might be expected to have been smarting under a "franchise law" that was odious even to Union men. I had four opponents, each trying to prove himself a better Union man than the rest, and all surpassing me in political ability, yet I was elected by a handsome majority, only because I was able to show a more consistent Union record than either. One other opponent issued a circular claiming votes as an original sympathizer with the rebellion, but met such poor encouragement that he withdrew without completing the contest. During December, hearing many reports in Washington prejudicial to the loyalty and good conduct of my constituents, I determined to take no hearsay, but go home and see for myself if such rumors had any foundation in fact. The result was, I found my people contented, hopeful, industrious, and happy, considering this as their only government, with no willingness to injure it, but an earnest desire to make it better and stronger than ever. I heard no man of influence oppose allowing the negroes to testify in our courts, and to own and bequeath property, &c. On the 28th of December two members to the State legislature were elected in Memphis and Shelby county, both of whom favored the above movement, and have since succeeded in making it the law of the State. To learn the condition of a portion of my district to which I could not go, I wrote to a friend, (an appointee under Governor Brownlow, whom I knew to be loyal and truthful, and possessed of unusual facilities for knowing the real feelings of the people,) telling him of the reports coming to Washington, and asking if such were the facts. I respectfully annex his reply as part of this statement. In conversation with the deputy United States marshal, who had been through West Tennessee on official business, of such an unpopular nature as to induce bim to have a military escort, he said, "I was met in such a friendly manner and treated with such cordial hospitality, that I was ashamed of having an escort, and made it convenient to be away from them most of the time.". I have just received a letter from "J. M. Hill, esq.," to whom every military commander at Memphis has awarded the first position in point of loyalty and reliability, and possessing general information, in which he takes occasion to say, "We need no troops at Memphis; but if the government desires to retain a few here, one company of white regulars would be an abundance." From personal knowledge in many instances, and reliable information in others, I ain able to say that most of the reports coming to Washington against the loyalty and good conduct of Tennesseans come from those who have been defeated for office, or who now hold positions by appointment, and know that their personal unpopularity will prevent them from retaining it when left to the people; and as our county elections ought legally to be held in March, it is the desire of this class to make excusable the filling of these positions by appointment instead of the ballot. There are, no doubt, occasional local disturbances in our State, (that our civil officers are entirely able to subdue, however,) but these all grow out of old personal animosities engendered during the war, and not arising from any rebellious spirit towards the general government. These disturbances are much less frequent in my part of the State than elsewhere, owing to the fact that the army maintained uninterrupted control there after its first occupation. Instead of there existing an animosity against consistent Union men who have not used their influence to the unfair injury of those who have disagreed with them in politics, they are really the most popular men in the country; as it is through their influence, mainly, that all expect finally to be reinstated in the enjoyment of all their lost privileges and blessings. It is the opinion of myself, as well as of most of the best informed with whom I have talked, (among them our lamented President Lincoln,) that, notwithstanding so many of our people were subsequently, by various influences, forced into the rebellion, the election in Tennessee in February, 1861, was, and is, the true criterion of the loyalty of our State; at which we gave a majority, as I remember, of 65,000 against "separation," (thought to be a more palatable term than "secession,") and nearly that number against even calling a convention to discuss it. When Mr. Johnson assumed the presidential chair he was more odious to the southern people and more feared by them than any man now in the north; yet he is now by these same people as universally beloved and honored, just in return for evidencing a kind and forgiving spirit. Like causes produce like results; and it is now in the power of the Congress of the United States to produce in the feelings of the masses of the southern people this same favorable change towards them. Every kind word uttered here goes as a healing balm to the wounded spirit of our people, and is as welcome as the olive branch brought by the returning dove to the ark. I have said much more than I intended. The assertions made are susceptible of proof. The opinions expressed are well-matured convictions, based on a thorough acquaintance with the facts from which they are deduced. I regret that I cannot close without expressing the belief that the treatment our people are now receiving is well calculated to produce that state of feeling now falsely said to exist, though I have no fear of such a result in my immediate district, as such is the desire, and so favorable the opportunity, to mend their ruined fortunes, that they now look with much more interest to the fluctuations of the cotton market than to the proceedings of Congress, believing, correctly, that there is no surer way to obtain the good opinion of others than by industriously attending to their own business. Hoping that nothing I have said will have an influence to secure my admission to a seat in Congress until my people can be trusted as I know they deserve to be, I have the honor, gentlemen, to remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN W. LEFTWICH, The undersigned beg leave, in compliance with the request of the congressional Committee on Reconstruction, to submit the following in relation to the present State government of Tennessee: 1. The government was organized by a convention of the loyal citizens January 8, 1865, ratified by popular vote February 22, 1865; governor and legislature elected March 4, 1865; inducted into office April 3, 1865. So that the government has been in practical operation nearly ten months. 2. When the organization began, the rebel army under Hood had just been defeated and routed before Nashville; the hostile forces were still in the field; guerillas overran some portions of the State; our Union soldiers were, some of them, in service on the Atlantic seaboard. There was no mail communication; heavy rains had swollen our numerous streams; so that, in many places, the single ballot-box for a whole county was inaccessible, and the vote failed to develop the whole loyal strength. Yet it is believed, and confidently asserted, that the result met the entire approval of every loyal citizen, and the acquiescence of many who had been disloyal. 3. From the meeting of the legislature, the 3d of April, 1865, and the induction into office of the governor, the government, so organized, has had entire and unresisted control of the whole State, in every department of administration, executive, legislative, and judicial, including the conservation of the public peace. The legislature continued in session until into June; adjourned to the 1st of October; again assembled, and is still in session. The governor and other executive officers have discharged the functions usual to their respective offices. The courts of every grade, up to that of last resort, the supreme court, have held their regular terms all over the State, and have been open for the hearing of all pleas, civil and criminal. 4. The first act of the legislature, by unanimous vote, ratified the recent amendment of the national Constitution in accordance with an amendment of similar import made to the State constitution. The election of senators followed, and legislative provision for the election of members of Congress. A law of franclrise was passed, adding one qualification to the elector, additional to the preexisting loyalty, and providing for the registration of the voters. 5. The election was held at the usual time in August, and persons elected whose loyalty has been unequivocal, and will abide the test of the official oath. The number of votes cast was sixty-one thousan! nine hundred and seventy, not far from the number usually cast by each of the two parties into which the State was almost equally divided before the war. The governor, deeming it his duty, under the act of Congress of 3d March, 1863, to certify whether the election was regularly held according to the laws of the State, and also to be informed as to the practical working of the late registry laws, instituted an inquiry, and rejected the votes of several of the counties for informality and a failure to comply with the recent law, on the part of officers intrusted with the novel duty of registration. At this election there was no military force present anywhere at the ballotbox; nor was there, so far as known, the slightest disturbance or disorder. A military force has remained in the State, under Major General Thomas, to support and sustain the civil government. One prominent arrest was made on the charge of sedition and scurrilous libel against the President of the United States; but in general the military has been felt only in the moral effect of its presence as a power which the civil authority might at any time invoke. 6. No general election has since been held in the State. On the first Saturday of March next elections will be held for sheriffs and other county officers in the several counties of the State. 7. The general legislation so far has looked to the restoration of our State credit and the re-establishment of our financial prosperity. A revenue system, (the public debt increased twenty-five per cent. by the accumulation of interest during the war, the rebel debt having been repudiated by the people,) the banks, the railroads, the public schools, and the squandered school fund, the eleemosynary institutions, have received, as they demanded, prime attention. It is not strange that the novelty and importance of the questions arising in such connexion should occasion honest, even obstinate, diversity of opinion. 8. The two subjects, however, occasioning the most declared and unyielding difference, are the rebels and the freedmen. It becomes necessary in various ways to define their respective privileges, both having been to a certain extent outlawed-the former by reason of their conduct, the latter by reason of their slavery. What some insist upon as a wise and politic liberality towards the rebels is branded by others as copperheadism, if not downright treason. What some regard as but sheer justice to the freedmen, and a necessary safeguard against the reassertion of the rebel sentiment, is denounced by others as radicalThis division is aggravated and intensified by an admixture of prejudice ism. and interested motive. The so-called radical element prevails in the present organization of the government. Public sentiment, as represented by the press, possibly, if expressed by the voice of the entire population, irrespective of antecedent relations, favors the self-styled conservative element. 9. Whether, upon a submission to the ballot-box, the government would be continued in the same hands, or those of men with similar views, is necessarily matter of speculation and conjecture. Such a submission will occur in August, 1867. Much will depend upon the wisdom, good conduct, and practical success of the State administration meanwhile; much upon the turn of affairs throughout the country, and much upon the issues, personal and other, that happen to be submitted to the people, as friends of the national government, who have stood close to it, defending its policy and maintaining its honor all the way through the recent conflict. We see no cause for discouragement, provided that the gov ernment will stand by us and give us the moral effect of its support. If, on the other hand, we are unrecognized and unsustained; if we are practically declared usurpers, and our effort at restoring our deserted and inanimate State government a usurpation, then we are necessarily overborne and swept away. 10. The unenlightened and narrow-minded rebel sentiment is bitterer and more rancorous possibly than during the war, under the humiliation of defeat and disgrace. It is expressed less towards the federal than to the State government, and is especially strong towards persons of northern origin, those Union men who took an active part for the government against the rebellion, and the freedmen. The intelligent rebels, on the other hand, see and accept the situation, and endeavor to make the best of it. Their political aspirations would naturally tend to the control first of local affairs, then of the State, and lastly of the national government. They hope for much from a division between the executive and legislative powers. 11. The situation of the freedmen is much more satisfactory to themselves, however it may appear to others, than when in slavery. There is suffering, oppression, injustice, wrong. In the economy of society the world over, poverty, ignorance, and weakness entail inevitable hardships. The case of the freedman is no exception. In addition, the prejudice of race is a burden. His freedom is an idea too proximate to the calamitous overthrow of the rebellion to be welcomed by those who took part in that foolish and iniquitous enterprise; while the loyal Union man has too long felt his progress in life obstructed by him as a slave to relish his presence even in freedom, and his labor no longer organized by the intelligence and capital of his master. The pre-existing laws applicable to free persons of color were at once applied to the freedmen. These allowed him nearly all the civil rights accorded to white persons, except to bear testimony in courts against white persons, and to peddle, and to traffic in spirituous liquors. It subjected him to the same criminal code, except in some offences against white females and in the measure of punishment. He was accorded no political rights, and was subjected to various political disabilities. He has been admitted to testify as a white person. It is not known that he has received any political enfranchisement. 12. If it be urged that our Union element, in the beginning, through weakness and want of support, succumbed to rebellion; that even now, if left unsupported and alone, it may once more be overborne; that the sharp animosities of the war do not entirely subside with the cessation of arms, we respectfully submit that these are considerations imperative why the national authority should rally to us and sustain our effort of self-government by its moral influence, and, if need be, by the assertion of its physical power. JOSEPH S. FOWLER. FEBRUARY 1, 1866. |