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either be a weakness in the prince or ministry; or else the former is too much restrained by the nobles, or those who represent the people.

To conclude: a church of England man may, with prudence and a good conscience, approve the professed principles of one party more than the other, according as he thinks they best promote the good of church and state; but he will never be swayed by passion or interest, to advance an opinion, merely because it is that of the party he most approves; which one single principle, he looks upon as the root of all our civil animosities. To enter into a party, as into an order of friars, with so resigned an obedience to superiors, is very unsuitable both with the civil and religious liberties, we so zealously assert. Thus the understandings of a whole senate are often enslaved, by three or four leaders on each side, who, instead of intending the public weal, have their hearts wholly set upon ways and means, how to get or to keep employments. But to speak more at large, how has this spirit of faction mingled itself with the mass of the people, changed their nature and manners, and the very genius of the nation! broke all the laws of charity, neighbourhood, alliance, and hospitality; destroyed all ties of friendship, and divided families against themselves! and no wonder it should be so, when in order to find out the character of a person, instead of inquiring whether he be a man of virtue, honour, piety, wit, good sense, or learning; the modern question is only, whether he be a whig or a tory; under which terms, all good and ill qualities are included.

Now, because it is a point of difficulty to choose, an exact middle between two ill extremes, it may be worth inquiring in the present case, which of these a wise and good man would rather seem to

avoid taking therefore their own good and ill characters, with due abatements and allowances for partiality and passion, I should think, that in order to preserve the constitution entire in church and state, whoever has a true value for both, would be sure to avoid the extremes of whig, for the sake of the former; and the extremes of tory, on account of the latter.

I have now said all that I could think convenient, upon so nice a subject, and find I have the ambition common with other reasoners, to wish at least that both parties may think me in the right; which would be of some use to those who have any virtue left, but are blindly drawn into the extravagancies of either, upon false representations, to serve the ambition or malice of designing men, without any prospect of their own. But if that is not to be hoped for, my next wish should be, that both might think me in the wrong: which I would understand as an ample justification of myself, and a sure ground to believe, that I have proceeded at least with impartiality, and perhaps with truth.

SOME ARGUMENTS

AGAINST ENLARGING THE POWER OF BISHOPS,

IN LETTING LEASES.*

"Mihi credite, major hæreditas venit unicuique vestrûm in iisdem bonis a jure et a legibus, quam ab iis a quibus illa ipsa bona relicta sunt." CICERO pro A. Cæcina.

October 21, 1723.

IN handling this subject, I shall proceed wholly upon the supposition, that those of our party, who profess themselves members of the church

This tract was written in 1723, when the measure therein reprobated was under consideration. Swift considered it as an indirect mode of gratifying the existing bishops, whom he did not regard with peculiar respect or complacency, at the expence of the church establishment, to which he was attached with most sincere devotion. The spirit of his opposition is, therefore, in this instance, peculiarly caustic. He had to plead, however, that his own practice was as strict as the self-denial he expected from the bishops. He never took fines for renewal of leases of the chapter lands, but always preferred raising the rent, as calculated to promote the future value of the living, although less advantageous to the immediate incumbent.

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established, and under the apostolical government of bishops, do desire the continuance and transmission of it to posterity, at least in as good a condition as it is at present: because, as this discourse is not calculated for dissenters of any kind, so neither will it suit the talk or sentiments of those persons, who, with the denomination of churchmen, are oppressors of the inferior clergy, and perpetually quarrelling at the great incomes of the bishops; which is a traditional cant delivered down from former times, and continued with great reason, although it be near 200 years since almost three parts in four of the church revenues have been taken from the clergy, beside the spoils that have been gradually made ever since of glebes and other land, by the confusion of times, the fraud of encroaching neighbours, or the power of oppressors too great to be encountered.

About the time of the reformation, many popish bishops of this kingdom, knowing they must have been soon ejected if they would not change their religion, made long leases and fee-farms of great part of their lands, reserving very inconsiderable rents, sometimes only a chiefry, by a power they assumed directly contrary to many ancient canons, yet consistent enough with the common law, This trade held on for many years after the bishops became protestants; and some of their names are still remembered with infamy, on account of enriching their families by such sacrilegious alienations. By these means episcopal revenues were so low reduced, that three or four sees were often united to make a tolerable competency. For some remedy to this evil, king James the First, by a bounty that became a good Christian prince, bestowed several forfeited lands

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