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578

A Humiliating Procedure for France

France think she can pay? The theoret- numerous, who say simply this: It is quite ical discussions about the moral value certain that, as a matter of justice, we ought of payment in full and the terrible dangers to repay the United States and England the of repudiation are not really very im

money we borrowed from them during the portant. By changing the number of

war and sincethe Armistice. We recognize that

our two former “associates" have the right years over which the principal sum is to

to demand it. But if we are ready to recogbe paid and by raising or lowering the

nize that, in justice, the position taken by the interest rate it is possible to arrange for

two creditor countries is unassailable, there is, a sum either within France's abilities to nevertheless, something which we cannot pay each year or utterly beyond it. understand and which seems to us unjust-at

There is no convincing picture before least, up to a certain point. At Versailles, the American public either of what France America and England forced us to make and our debtors can reasonably pay and

certain concessions in placing before us the in what form and on what terms we can

famous Treaty of Guarantees. We accepted, profitably receive the payment. Until

and neither England nor the United States

ratified the treaty. Without doubt, we were we get these facts we may all join in the

stupid; we should have known and understood implied wish of the President that the

that Wilson could be disavowed by the Senate thoughtless, in Congress and out, would

and the American people; but, at least, at the cease to demand in simulated patriotic time we acted in good faith. fervor solutions which are not patriotic, When, in the hope of seeing the Treaty not useful to the United States, nor possi- of Guarantees signed, we consented to a first le from our creditors. We need more reduction of the money due from Germany, light and less heat upon the question of Germany was not willing to pay. England the debts.

and the United States then started a campaign to make us understand that we were asking

too much; we were endangering the peace of What the French Think

Europe and we were assailed on all sides with:

“You are really unreasonable. You owe N COMING to a debt-settlement with

us money, you cannot pay us, you ask for the French it is not necessary to ac- time. We promise nothing, but be reasonable

cept their point of view unless it ap- and we will not show ourselves pitiless credipeals to us as fair, but it is highly im- tors." We therefore agreed to further reducportant that we know what it is. The tions of the German indemnity, or rather, following extract from a private letter reparations, and that was a real sacrifice. gives some aspects of the problem as They have not ceased to repeat to us: “It is they appear to a well-informed French- not a matter of determining what Germany man who both knows and likes this coun

owes you but what she can pay; at least admit

this principle." try.

We have admitted this principle, and during There are, I am perfectly aware, people who this time we have increased our internal debt say that America is rich and has no need of in a perfectly colossal manner in order to find money--a childish argument which is not of money for reconstruction. We accepted the great importance and which could never serve Dawes plan. The Dawes plan accepted and as a political basis. There are others, like beginning to operate, the question of interTardieu, who since the end of the war have allied debts once more came up for discussion. never been willing to learn or to forget. They We begin negotiations at Washington, or at tried in vain, during the war, to have the least we begin to discuss to see whether it is principle of the financial solidarity of the possible to find a common basis of agreement. Allies admitted, without success, and refuse At first things go pretty well; just when it to see that they will not succeed any better seems that America is disposed to grant us

There are also the politicians who ask favorable terms, England intervenes and says: themselves what would happen to them if they “The arrangement concluded by Baldwin announced to the public that extra taxes must with the United States is ruinous for us. be imposed over a long period of years in We should be very greatly hurt if now the order to repay England and America.

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United States accords better terms to France There are also those, and I think they are than to us."

now.

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Turning to France, England adds:

dignity. What is certain is that, if France “Besides, if you can find money to pay does not wish to be reduced before long to the America you ought to find money to pay us." rank of a third-rate power, she will have to

The question is re-opened and we say to our arrive at a solution speedily. English friends: "Following the Dawes plan, which we accepted to please you even though

Governing by Consent it means a big sacrifice for us, we should receive certain sums of money from Germany.

HE series of articles on the PhilipWill you agree to be paid from these sums?

pines by Miss Katherine Mayo They reply: "No, indeed. Or rather, yes, recently syndicated in the newsso long as Germany pays; but if for any reason papers and to appear shortly in book Germany does not pay it is understood that it form under the title "The Isles of Fear." will be up to you to arrange to find the

give a convincing picture of the ina lemoney."

quacy of the moral perceptions of the During this time the negotiations with Washington are stopped. On the one hand,

small ruling class in the Philippines to and it is very legitimate, America hesitates to

carry on what we consider a just or stable wound England by granting more favorable government. It shows equally the utter terms to France. On the other hand, America incapacity of the great mass of the Filicontinues to maintain that the reparations and pinos to participate in government at all. the debt constitute two distinct questions. If A similar study of Porto Rico would Germany does not pay France, France must unquestionably show a much larger perfind some way of getting money.

centage of the public able to participate France then sees before her the following in government and a more developed situation: on the one hand, to show her good- political sense amongst the leaders. Still, will and her desire for peace, she accepted having just passed an act designed to the Rhineland evacuation the reduction of the German indemnity so that, finally, she

limit aliens from coming within our boris not sure of receiving enough even to pay

ders and sharing our political rights, it is the cost of reconstruction in the devasted

doubtful if we would do well to grant regions. On the other hand, she must pay her

Porto Rico statehood, thereby at one entire debt to America (if I am not mistaken,

stroke inviting one and a third millions 4 billion dollars—20 billion francs in gold, 80 of a different race and culture to send billions at the actual rate of exchange.) representatives to Congress to help gov

Germany having failed, having refused to ern this nation. There is no immediate pay what she owes for reparations, having prospect of either Philippine independdepreciated the mark so as to reduce her in

ence or Porto Rican statehood, yet the ternal debt to zero, sees her finances reëstab

vocal part of the Philippines asks for lished and the mark once more at par. No, independence and that of Porto Rico asks one dreams, either, any longer of accusing for statehood. Germany of dishonesty. “It's a new deal," and the game begins again. But at the same Under these circumstances does govtime it is France who is accused of dishonesty.

ernment derive its “just powers from the The unfortunate people do not know where consent of the governed"? Or does that they stand and are ready to sell their soul to noble doctrine pertain only to the politithe devil, or—if you prefer it—to Caillaux. cally competent? If so, who is the judge

What is to be done? Repudiate the debts? of competence: the people who are being No one has ever proposed this in France. . governed or the alien race that is governThose who have gone the farthest have said: ing them-or some third party? On "We don't see how we can pay you," or "It is

what ground do we justify our control of not fair to treat us the way you have done."

Porto Rico and the Philippines? The They have not said: “We do not want to pay."

President says: Name a new Dawes Commission to determine France's capacity to pay? That is perhaps We extended our domain over distant what we shall finally arrive at; but at the same islands in order to safeguard our own interests time, it must be recognized that that is a and accepted the consequent obligations to pretty humiliating procedure and the French, bestow justice and liberty upon less favored like all self-respecting people, have a national · peoples.

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580

The Philippines and India Compared

Without question our control has given report made by the Government of India them great material benefit. It has added to the Parliament of Great Britain: to their health, their wealth, and perhaps even to their political wisdom, although But before the outbreak of the Great War, that is a quality that perishes easily in the aspirations of the Indian Nationalist transference. Is material benefit a suffi movement were comparatively restricted. cient ground upon which to govern an

With the exception of a small group, mainly alien people? If this were true, we should

nihilist in inspiration, which sought complete

independence, the majority of the class inbe justified in taking the next excuse Mexico offers us for conquering that

terested in political progress were content to

claim for their own countrymen a share in country—for its own good. Yet it is as place and power. But in consequence of the certain that we shall not do this as it is moral and material movements set in operathat we shall not give the Filipinos im- tion by the World War, a remarkable change mediate independence.

came over the spirit of Indian Nationalism. On what theory is it then that we go? The war gave to India two new conceptions, Have we a fundamental policy or do we

both of which were destined to exercise a merely resist taking territory as long as

profound influence upon her political future. we can and finally, having got it, treat

The first was a new estimate of her potential the inhabitants as well as we are able?

importance in the civilized world; the second,

an enhanced perception of the rights and digIn our political speeches we are apt to

nity of nationality. claim that our control of dependencies is

Concurrently with this, there was an inentirely altruistic, that we do not acquire creasing realization on the part of Imperial them for profit, that we have not ex statesmen of the significance of India to the ploited them, and that we have adminis British Commonwealth. The part which tered them to the best of our ability for India had played in the war, and the assistance their own good. In large measure this is given to the Allies by her immense resources, true. And yet that does not answer the imperfectly utilized as they were, came as question: Under what conditions have we

nothing short of a revelation to many. This the right to benefit people who think they impression was deepened when, as a result of

the Allied victory, it seemed probable that the do not want to be benefited ?

storm center of the world would shift from The obvious and immediate results of West to East. Those who pride themselves abandoning any of the responsibilities

upon an accurate perception of the future which we have taken upon ourselves are course of world politics, are beginning to clear enough and bad enough to prevent envisage a struggle which shall be waged not our abandoning them. But the prospec between rival exponents of Western culture, tive results of continuing as we are are not

but between whole races of mankind; and, in sufficiently clear to justify the small

fact, we can no longer deny that one of the attention we give the problem.

gravest perils menacing humanity in the near future is the conflict between men of different

colors. To Avert Another War

Now the possibility of averting such a

calamity is plainly increased if India, with HE Dutch, the French, and the

her 320,000,000 of people, can be retained British have the question before within the boundaries of the British Common

them. The British particularly wealth of her own free will. Even apart from have been forced to give the matter more

the influence which her population and her attention than we have. Yet they have resources would wield when thrown into the evolved no program which seems satisfac

balance on the side of world peace, her presence tory both to themselves and to the people

as a member of the greatest association of

free nations which mankind has known, would they govern. The seriousness with which the British

unquestionably serve as a bridge across which

the opposing cultures of East and West might look upon the question-and the direction

advance to a mutual understanding. of their effort toward solution-is seen Great as is the ideal embodied in this conin the following quotation from the annual ception, it is by no means beyond the compass

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. The March of Events of practical politics. But it depends for its the Porto Ricans and the Filipinos that achievement upon the ability of British they can be similarly satisfied with us, statesmanship to convince the Indian people it will decrease our difficulties in the that the satisfaction of their aspirations lies in

future. But if one race does attack anthis direction. Since the war, as a result of

other, the conflict will be one from which the two conceptions we have already noticed,

it will be as impossible for us to escape the mentality of those who are leading the politics of India has undergone a remarkable

as was the World War. All the time, metamorphosis. There has arisen a fixed study, and effort we can give to the determination to be content with nothing less principles involved in the governing of than control over their own destinies, com alien dependencies is insurance of the bined with a burning resentment against any most valuable kind. conditions which would seem to stamp Indians with inferiority to the free peoples of the

The Aircraft Investigation world. The quick pride of a sensitive people has suddenly awakened to the fact that in the

HE investigation by a special comworld's estimation, as evidenced in innumera

mittee on aviation produced a ble ways, their status falls far short of their measure of their own worth.

The time has gone by when any useful Amongst it all several important considerpurpose will be served by examining the ations were lost sight of. In the first justification of these feelings. We must notice place our policy on national defense makes that they not only exist, but are the dominant a sharp distinction between our treatfactor in the mentality of educated India ment of the Army and that of the Navy. to-day. They account for the impatience, The Navy is our first line of defense and for the failure to perceive the rapidity of the

is supposed to be constantly ready. The progress now being made in many directions, Army is our second line of defense and which competent observers have pronounced to be so characteristic of post-war India.

is not immediately ready for any large Indeed, the more cautious say that the Indian operation. The Army is a skeleton orintelligentzia exhibit the mentality of a

ganization with a plan for expansion traveler who is consumed with the desire to from 125,000 men to 7,000,000 or more if arrive at the end of a long and difficult journey. necessary. Every stage, no matter how essential, is a fresh What we need to know about naval grievance; any obstacle, no matter how in aviation is whether in personnel and evitable, an intolerable outrage; every ad- equipment it is ready at all times for such vance, no matter how noteworthy, is ignored

service as our national policy has created and forgotten in comparison with the distance

the Navy to give. which has yet to be painfully traversed. For

What we need to know about the army this reason, the progress achieved by India since the war, striking though it may appear to

aviation is whether it has the right types the unbiassed observer, has quickened rather of planes and the right kind of training than appeased the sense of unsatisfied desire. for its men and a workable plan for en

larging the air service to keep up with It is true that the intelligentzia of In- other branches of the Army in case of war. dia is relatively small. Only 5.3 millions Taking the Army first, the indications of the 320 millions vote. Yet the inertia are that the types of planes that we have of the 314.7 millions is not a safe depen are good and that the training system for dence. The inertia of the Russian pea our aviators is also good. But it is sant did not make him forswear leadership doubtful if the plans we have for the as inimical to his interests as to the peace expansion of the army air service would be of the world.

satisfactory if called upon to produce an If the British can “convince the Indian air service for a big army, because the airpeople that satisfaction of their aspira- craft business in this country is rapidly tions lies" within the Empire, it will be a disappearing. How to keep an industry great insurance against the possibility of ready to produce vast quantities of war a war between races. If we can convince material quickly in case of war without

582

The Battleship Not Yet Obsolete

giving it a good deal of business in peace for a sufficient number of airplanes or times to keep it alive has puzzled all carriers to accompany a fleet to protect students of national defense. That is the it from such an attack. The airship real problem before us. All discussion of then has greatly enhanced the advantages whether we have as many planes as the of the navy defending its own shores. French and English is idle. No part of It has in a sense increased the range of our army is kept up to full strength, like coast defenses from 20 or 30 miles to 200 the French, nor is there a foreign power miles. with a flying force twenty miles from our In a battle at sea between two fleets it is shore-such a menace as the English conceivable that if one fleet had with it have. Our problem and our policy are enough carriers to launch an aircraft different. Our concern is to be able to fleet of scout planes and bombers upon expand our skeleton air force as rapidly the enemy they might either so detract as we can expand the rest of the Army. from his efficiency in fighting that he Practically no information on this vital could more easily be defeated or even problem came out at the aircraft investi- sink or damage enough of his ships from gation.

the air to give victory. In this case the The naval air problem is more com- airplane would be, like the destroyers or plicated than the army problem, for there the submarine, an additional means is not a substantial agreement amongst besides gunfire of enabling one set of naval men as to what air force a fleet battleships to defeat another. It is needs. This is perhaps due to the fact easily possible that airships might be the that while the theoretical powers of air means of victory. As our navy is now craft at sea are very great there is a greater equipped it is hardly conceivable that disparity between these theoretical powers they should be a means of victory for us, and what aircraft actually accomplished since we have but one carrier. In this we in the war than in the case with aircraft are not so much worse off than other with the Army. Except as scouts, air- nations, for no navy is equipped with ships did not figure in any of the sea carriers on a scale sufficient to carry battles of the war. Yet several battles enough airplanes to affect a large sea were within easy radius of bombing planes battle decisively—even in theory. from shore stations.

The question before Congress is Because no data were gathered under whether we shall endeavor so to equip war conditions, various bombing experi- our navy, whether the tests justify the ments have been tried since the war, both money, and whether we wish to precipihere and in England. These tests have tate a building race in carriers and airnot persuaded the majority of naval planes which we have recently stopped in men that the battleship is any more battleships. We shall need either a obsolete now than when Sir Percy Scott limiting agreement or else the carriers proved that the submarine would drive it and the planes. from the sea. The tests have, however, shown that airplane attack on ships is Is a Congressman Worth $10,000 a sufficiently feasible to warrant a much

Year? greater equipment than our navy has. In the first place it is believed that the ONGRESS passed a bill raising British have worked out a manœuvre for

its own pay. The bill was an air fleet composed of pursuit planes,

passed without a roll call, but light bombers, and heavy bombers that later in the Senate there was a roll call would have a fair chance in attacking a upon the question of repealing the measfleet that approached within two hundred ure. The Senators at least are on record miles of the British coast. This air fleet individually. They have fulfilled the would be operating from a land base. obligation stated by an old member of No one, it seems, has yet worked out a plan Congress in these words:

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